The idea that the party of the proletariat’s leading and administering of the state of the proletariat, and the engagement of the cadres and members of the party as the administrators and leaders in all the activities of the state contradicts the construction of socialism, is contrary to all economic and political development, and thus to Lenin-Stalin plan of building socialism-Communism.

Under the conditions of the proletarian power, separating the state and the party and proposing that the party leave the field of state and economy to the people who arer non-party is a policy that is opposed and hostile to all economic and political development, and thus to the Lenin-Stalin plan of building socialism-Communism.

First, this proposal denies that when the party came to power, a new field was added to the party's fields of activity, and that the party now operates in the field of state and economy, and rejects this simple fact.

Under the circumstances where the first form of collective property is necessarily the state property, this character of state property is possible only if the state is the dictatorship of the proletariat and the proletariat has the state power in its hands.

The necessity of the state ownership form of collective property also means that the state is actively involved in all spheres of the social sphere and that the state's activity in all spheres of society is increasing day by day. All this also means that the state in question must turn to communism and fulfill the requirements of the construction of communism.

It is imperative that the leading section of workers lead and set an example for the whole working class (and the whole people) in order to establish, build, develop and maintain the state while differences exists in ranks of the working class in all matters and amongst them in consciousness and in self scarifies.

In order to reach communism, what is needed is not to separate the state and the party from each other, but to raise the level administered by the party cadres and members, and to organize the active and conscious participation of the working class and all segments of the people in this activity of running the state.

In order to reach communism, the policy of building direct democracy through mechanization, electrification and computerization needs to be implemented. This requires the party's cadres and members to lead and administer the state.

In other words, the policy of separating the party and the state coincides with an approach that makes the construction of communism and thus the negation of the state as a political organization impossible and thus the negation of the party which requires the accomplishment of these tasks impossible. Thus this policy leads to the necessity of bourgeois power and necessitates the restoration of bourgeois power.

Secondly, by doing so, it rejects the fact that the party before it came to power was working to come to power. This approach rejects one of the main criteria that distinguishes the communists from the opportunists is the fact that the party's task is the establishment, construction and protection of the dictatorship of the proletariat. In other words, this proposal means the defeat of the party from the very beginning and its submission to opportunism (bourgeois tailism).

In other words, this approach is nothing more than a policy of paralyzing the party both before and after power, and turning it into a bourgeois and / or bourgeois tailist.

In this regard, the approach of Comrade G. Furr, who has very helpful and useful writings in defense of Stalin that proposes to separate the state and party from each other in order to achieve and protect and to organize the state and economy better is completely contrary and harmful approach to the Lenin-Stalin plan of constructing socialism-communism. Moreover, because it is unable to rule the world, the US imperialism has developed and implemented as an inevitable part of its plans to rule the whole world the plan of making communism impossible, of undermining communist ideas and defeating them, to create confusion and spread bourgeois ideas amongst communist ranks.

It is to be noted that all anti-communist and anti-democracy currents are, in one way or another, whether or not willingly but surely supporters of this policy. In this area, Trotskyists and anarchists share a common position with comrade G. Furr. It is a pity that Comrade G. Furr, who had to face many attacks to defend Stalin, found himself together with such partners.

A few excerpts from this article in Comrade E. Yaroslavski's pamphlet “On the Question of Cadres in the Communist International” published by Inter Publications would be appropriate:

“The discipline of the Bolshevik Party has not been exactly the same since the Party in illegality began to rule the entire state life in one-sixth of the world: if the party governs all proletarian organizations in capitalist society before the seizure of power, it governs the entire state and the entire economy during the dictatorship of the proletariat. The responsibility of each Party member grows. During the dictatorship of the proletariat, anyone who touches the iron discipline of the Party directly serves the bourgeoisie and helps the bourgeoisie.”

To this first article of the Constitution XVII. Party Congress decided on an annex (Article 2), which was the basis of our Party since the beginning, which is what we have demanded from every Party member, every Bolshevik.

“2) Obligations of the party member:

c— To work as a member of the ruling Party in the Soviet State and to set an example in maintaining the discipline of the state, to master the technique of the field of work and to continuously improve his professional qualification.”

The Party directs all the organs of the dictatorship of the proletariat and ensures the successful construction of the socialist society. ’

“6— Active participation in the economic and political life of the country as an organ of the Party.”

The Communist Party is the most advanced, most revolutionary detachment of the proletariat. It is responsible for all the work of the world's first proletarian state in the USSR, domestic and foreign policy, the conduct of the entire economy, the raising of the material and cultural level of the whole country, and the defense of the USSR. ’

'The Party is duty bound to check and control not only whether you as a Party member understand the work of your enterprise, the Kolkhoz, the Sovhoz (which is absolutely necessary), but also whether you are familiar with the historical path of the working class as a whole, ie whether you recognize its history and whether you are able “to defend the interests of the working class as a whole or not”.”

The difference between the leading section and the rest of the working class, the difference between Party members and non-party people cannot disappear, unless classes disappear, if the proletariat still completes its ranks with elements from other classes, and the working class as a whole do not ascends to the level of the vanguard.’

‘The party is the area where the most competent elements of the working class, which are directly connected to the non-party organizations of the proletariat and often govern these organizations, are gathered;”

‘Third, as the best school for the upbringing of working-class leaders, the Party, through its experience and authority, is the only organization capable of centralizing the leadership of the struggle of the proletariat and thus turning various none-party- organizations of the working class into auxiliary organs and flywheel straps that bind the Party to the class.”

‘The dictatorship of the proletariat is a bloody and bloodless, violent and peaceful, military and economic, pedagogical and administrative stubborn struggle against the forces and traditions of the old society.’