SOME DOCUMENTS ON AUSTRIA AND AUSTRIAN COMMUNIST PARTY From 1 AUGUST 1948 to 20 May 1955.

COMPILED FROM

1. SALE OF AMERICAN SURPLUS IN AUSTRIA
   For a Lasting Peace, For a People’s Democracy!
   NO. 15 (18), SUNDAY, AUGUST 1, 1948
   
   

2. HUNDREDS OF AUSTRIAN SOCIALISTS GO OVER TO THE COMMUNIST PARTY
   For a Lasting Peace, For a People’s Democracy !
   NO. 12(39), WEDNESDAY, JUNE 15, 1949
   

3. FIRST UNITY SUCCESSES OF AUSTRIAN COMMUNISTS AND SOCIALISTS
   For a Lasting Peace, For a People’s Democracy !
   NO. 28(55), TUESDAY, NOVEMBER 29, 1949
   
   

4. POLITICAL SITUATION AND TASKS OF COMMUNIST PARTY OF AUSTRIA.
   Johann Koplenig, Chairman, Communist Party of Austria*
   For a Lasting Peace, For a People’s Democracy”,
   No. 46 (158), Friday, November 16, 1951.
   
   

5. CATASTROPHIC GROWTH OF UNEMPLOYMENT IN AUSTRIA
   For a Lasting Peace, For a People’s Democracy !
   No. 1 (217) FRIDAY, JANUARY 2, 1953
   
   

6. COLLAPSE OF POLICY OF MARSHALLISED GOVERNMENT OF AUSTRIA.
   Johann Koplenig, Chairman, Communist Party of Austria
   For a Lasting Peace, For a People’s Democracy!
   No. 7 (223) FRIDAY, FEBRUARY 13, 1953
   For a Lasting Peace, For a People’s Democracy!
   Plenum of Central Committee Of Austrian Communist Party
   For a Lasting Peace, For a People’s Democracy !
   No. 14 (230) FRIDAY, APRIL 3, 1953
   
   

7. Another Betrayal by Right-Wing Socialist Leaders of Austria
   Jan MAREK
   For a Lasting Peace, For a People’s Democracy!
   NO 17 (233) FRIDAY, APRIL 24, 1953
   
   

8. Austrian Communists Study
   FRANZ STROBL
   Member of Central Propaganda Department,
   Communist Party of Austria
   For a Lasting Peace, For a People’s Democracy!
   No. 19, (235) FRIDAY, May 9, 1953
   Austrian Right-Wing Socialist Leaders Curry Favour With Tito
   Jan MAREK
   For a Lasting Peace, For a People’s Democracy!
   1953_FALPFAPDNO 20(236)_FRIDAY_MAY 15
   
   

9. Shadow of “Anschluss”
   Jan MAREK
   For a Lasting Peace, For a People’s Democracy!
   NO 23 (239), FRIDAY, JUNE 5, 1953
   

10. “Volksstimme” Activists
    Experiences of District Committee Of Communist Party Of Austria
    In Building Circulation For Party Press
    Josef HAUSNER
    Leader of the Stadlau (Vienna) Organisation, Communist Party of Austria
    For a Lasting Peace, For a People’s Democracy!
    No. 24 (240), Friday, June 12, 1953
    

11. Work of Organisations of Socialist Unity Party Of Germany In Trade Unions
    For a Lasting Peace, For a People’s Democracy!
    NO 30 (246), FRIDAY, JULY 24, 1953
    
    

12. RIGHT-WING LEADERS OF SOCIALIST PARTY—CHAMPIONS OF U.S.
    POLICY IN AUSTRIA.
    Friedl Fürnberg, General Secretary, Communist Party of Austria
    For a Lasting Peace, For a People’s Democracy!
    NO 30 (246), FRIDAY, JULY 24, 1953
    
    

13. SIGNING OF STATE TREATY WITH AUSTRIA IN VIENNA
    For a Lasting Peace, For a People’s Democracy”,
    No. 20 (341), Friday, May 20, 1955.
    
    

14. SPEECH OF V. M. MOLOTOV on Signing the State Treaty with Austria
    on May 15, 1955
    For a Lasting Peace, For a People’s Democracy”,
    No. 20 (341), Friday, May 20, 1955.
    
    

15. CONFERENCE OF WORKERS IN INDUSTRY IN THE USSR
    There took place in the Grand Kremlin Palace (Moscow) on May 16-18, an all-Union conference of workers from industrial enterprises and appropriate ministries, scientific-research institutes, project and design offices, foremost workers and innovators in production, Party, Komsomol and trade union functionaries.
    Speech by Comrade N. S. Khrushchev, First Secretary, C.C, CPSU
    For a Lasting Peace, For a People’s Democracy”,
    No. 20 (341), Friday, May 20, 1955.
    
    

16. BEST CANVASSERS IN VIENNA
    For a Lasting Peace, For a People’s Democracy”,
    No. 20 (341), Friday, May 20, 1955.
    
    1. SALE OF AMERICAN SURPLUS IN AUSTRIA
    Austrian newspapers are more and more often publishing protests against the condition imposed on the purchase of United States surplus army equipment. According to “Der Abend” the first American credit of 10 million dollars given to Austria for this purpose has already been exhausted. The special commission had made big purchases.
    The newspaper claimed that the American goods were kept in large storehouses and were sold in such a way that it was impossible to see them or examine them before purchasing.
    When the goods were delivered to Vienna, it was discovered that they included articles which were quite useless to Austria and which could not possibly find a market. But 1½ million dollars were spent on them. For example, as a result of purchasing American army surplus goods there are now four rucksacks per person in Austria, counting babies and old men,
    And, the paper stresses, Austria must start repaying dollar credits in 1950.
    
    For a Lasting Peace, For a People’s Democracy!
    NO. 15 (18), SUNDAY, AUGUST 1, 1948
    
    2. HUNDREDS OF AUSTRIAN SOCIALISTS GO OVER TO THE COMMUNIST PARTY
    
    

The working people of Austria are realising more and more clearly the treacherous nature of the policy pursued by the Right leaders of the Austrian Socialist Party. Great indignation has been caused among rank and file Socialist workers by the conspiracy between the leading clique of the Austrian Socialist Party and capitalist circles concerning what they call “bringing Austrian economy back to normal”. In actual fact that this means a further fall in the living standards of the mass of the people.
Instances of Socialist Party members going over to the Communist Party have rapidly increased lately. According to the newspaper “Osterreichische Volkssiimmc”, many hundreds of Austrian Socialists are leaving the Party to join the Communists. In the course of the last three weeks alone 190 Socialists went over to the Communist Party in the Favoriten district of Vienna, 42 in the Floridsdori district, and 50 in the Mödling district.

For a Lasting Peace, For a People’s Democracy !
NO. 12(39), WEDNESDAY, JUNE 15, 1949

3. FIRST UNITY SUCCESSES OF AUSTRIAN COMMUNISTS AND SOCIALISTS

Soon after the election in Austria, the new coalition Government of the People’s Party and the Right socialists decided, at the behest of the Americans, to devalue the schilling.
In reply to this, the working class, under the guidance of the Austrian Communist Party, demanded special assistance to meet high prices, and that wages should be brought up to the level of prices.
Strikes broke out and these industrial class battles were marked by complete unity between Communist and Socialist workers, contrary to the will of “Socialist” leaders. Workers created a united front also in the elections for Production Councils. During the elections held in the Alpine-Montan plant in Donawitz on November 15, the trade-union unity list won 2,879 votes and 13 seats, while the Socialist Party obtained 1,859 votes and eight seats and the People’s Party 388 votes and one seat.
At the biggest Austrian mining works in Fohnsdorf, the trade union unity candidates polled 787 votes and the Socialist Party 699 votes. The Austrian workers thus show their growing confidence in Communists who lead the struggle of the working people in support of their vital interests, against reaction and the fascist menace.

For a Lasting Peace, For a People’s Democracy !
NO. 28(55), TUESDAY, NOVEMBER 29, 1949

4. POLITICAL SITUATION AND TASKS OF COMMUNIST PARTY OF AUSTRIA. Johann Koplenig, Chairman, Communist Party of Austria*

Never at any time since the end of World War Two has the danger of another war been so great and immediate as at present. Millions of ordinary people are anxious about the fate of peace. The Austrian people, too, ask with profound alarm: shall our generation which experienced severe trials and which has not yet healed the wounds of war shed its blood again for the interests of businessmen—the hyenas of the war industry lusting for profit? Must our cities which still lie in ruins again become targets for criminal bombing? Shall our mothers and wives once again daily and hourly tremble for the lives of sons and husbands?
To these questions we, Communists, and together with us hundreds of thousands of people say—No! This must not happen! This shall not happen! The will of the Austrian people for peace and their readiness to do their bit towards preserving peace are expressed in the Austrian movement of peace partisans, in the Peace Congress, and in the successful campaigns for signatures to the Stockholm Appeal and the Appeal for a Pact of Peace between the five Great Powers. The growth of the peace movement in our country and its successes are all the more significant since they have been achieved in struggle against the Government which is striving by means of threats and intimidation to hold back. the peace supporters and divert them from active work. The Figl-Schärf Government, the ruling parties—the People’s Party and Socialist Party,—together with their watchdog and secret partner—the fascist “Independent Union”—engaged in a witchhunt against the forces of peace, are simply docile tools of the American warmakers on whose orders they are doing away with the sovereignty of our country, betraying its national independence, and rapidly turning Western Austria into a war base and bridgehead for the Western aggressors.

We Accuse!

In the resolution of the 14th Congress of our Party we stated that the “Marshall Plan” was “a plan for the political, economic and military enslavement of Europe”, and simultaneously, “a plan for intensified exploitation of the toiling sections of the population, for their impoverishment and oppression”.
No matter in what sphere the results in our country of the “Marshall Plan” are summarised—be it in the economic, financial of social sphere—they are negative for the working people. At the behest of the U.S. imperialists, to whom the coalition Government readily submits, we are forced to export to the West for military purposes and at extremely low prices the raw materials which we need ourselves. The “Marshall Plan” is disorganising our foreign trade and alienating us more and more from our natural trade and economic partners—the People’s Democracies—countries which are free from crises.
Impelled by the steady worsening of its conditions, the Austrian working class is intensifying its opposition. Throughout the past three years our Party has headed the struggle of the working people.
Broad masses of workers—Socialists and non-Party people—have learnt from their own experience that they acted correctly in October last year when they rose in struggle against the wage and price agreement. What have the twelve months that have passed since the agreement—the fourth one—brought? They have brought further price increases, considerable increases in rent, higher public utility charges, a crisis in meat supplies, the threat of coal shortage and a crisis in electricity supply. The results of the Government's policy are: lower standard of life for the population, complete dependence of our economy on the U.S.A. Isolation from our traditional trading partners, sky-high prices, failure of the so-called wage and price policy, currency devaluation, creeping inflation, the danger of a serious slump in production, and a steady growth in unemployment.
We accuse the Western imperialists and their occupation authorities in Austria of preparing an aggressive war also on our territory, of creating thereby a grave danger for our homeland, for our people and for the national existence of our people, We accuse the Figl-Schärf Government and the leaders of the coalition parties of actively helping the warmongers and betraying the interests of the homeland and the people.
The widespread construction of military at establishments in Salzburg, Tyrol and Carinthia, the formation of military units in the guise of gendarmerie, the protection afforded gangs of saboteurs and provocateurs recruited from the ranks of former fascist officials in Austria—all show that, in keeping with the plans of the American General. Staff, West Austria is, systematically, being converted into a military base, into an outpost of the Atlantic bloc. At the same time, Austrian economy is being subordinated to the interests of rearming Western Germany. Preparing for war, the U.S. imperialists seek to revive fascism in Austria as well. With this aim in view, they, enjoying the support of the Government parties, afford protection to the fascist “Independent Union”.
Now, when the danger of war becomes more and more acute day by day, the Right-wing leaders of the Socialist Party no longer speak about neutrality and a “third force” between the Soviet Union and the American bloc; they side unconditionally with the American warmongers, join the same camp as Franco, Otto Hapsburg, and German and Japanese war criminals. The Right-wing leaders of the Socialist Party uphold and support in every way the policy of rearmament and war carried out by the Atlantic bloc; they are actively helping to turn West Austria into an “Alpine fortress” and to bring the Western parts of our country into the warmongers’ camp.
By their policy, the coalition parties and the Government have completely compromised themselves in the eyes of the masses. The mistrust in relation to the Figl-Schärf Government, and to its pillars in the form of the People’s Party and the Socialist Party, is universal. Never before in Austria has a government been so despised as this one is.
The defeat suffered by the People’s Party in the Presidential election was a striking expression of the Widespread discontent. The majority of the people voted against Gleissner, candidate of the People’s Party, because the masses hold this Party mainly responsible for the ruin, corruption and the anti-popular measures. Since the Presidential election, the People’s Party has been experiencing a grave crisis. In the Socialist Party the gulf dividing rank-and-file members and leadership is becoming, wider. I will recall only the conference of the Vienna activists of this Party when one-third of the delegates voted against the rent law, and nearly all the representatives from the organisations, with the exception of the regular Party functionaries, expressed themselves against the Socialist Party leadership. Reports are coming in all the time from nearly all provinces and regions to the effect that the Socialist Party is losing members.
Much has been said of late about a new phase of the “Marshall Plan”. What is the essence of this new phase? The central organ of the Government Socialist Party said, on October 20, literally: “Austria must decide on serious measures if she wants to emerge intact from the present crisis”.
A number of leaders of the People’s Party expressed themselves in a similar strain. But when these gentlemen speak about serious measures they have in mind serious Measures against the people. They have in mind even more drastic cuts in consumption, an even more drastic lowering of the standard of living of the working people, still greater suffering and sacrifice by the people. The new phase in the Marshallised policy means open, unconditional subordination of the entire economy and of all the economic resources to the needs of the war policy, with complete disregard for the interests of the Austrian people.

Defence of Peace—Pivot of Our Struggle

The road which the Austrian politicians intend to take, far from leading to a way cut simply aggravates the catastrophic situation and endangers the existence, security and freedom of our people. Is there a way out of this situation? Yes! We, Communists, declare that there is a way out!
It is:
To put an end to the Government's orientation on the American policy of whipping-up war psychosis and of war preparations—to finish with the dangerous course of turning West Austria into an American military camp and of abolishing the unity of the country.
For a policy of peace and friendship with the People’s Democracies, the Soviet Union and all peace-loving peoples; for a policy of national freedom and independence!
Down with the government of plunder of the people, the government of national betrayal and national shame!
For a Government of Peace, National Freedom and Social Progress!
In order to find a way out of the unbearable situation, all partisans of peace and democracy must unite in common struggle for peace, national freedom and decent conditions of life. Our Party strives to rally all who are alarmed over the matter of the existence of our country, all progressive organisations, groups and movements in a broad front of struggle for peace and freedom for the Austrian people. Our Party of Communists will spare no effort to popularise among the masses the idea of such a front of peace and freedom and to secure its realisation. We, Communists, are ready to co-operate with all who do not want Austria to become a sector of the front in an American war, who are resolved to safeguard our people, our youth, our country from the catastrophe of another war.
Does the working class and the working strata of our people dispose of the forces necessary to effect a change in the unbearable economic and political conditions? The events, movements and battles of the recent years show that such forces exist, that they are growing, and our basic task is to accelerate the growth of these forces and to unite them. A new political factor—the organised peace movement—made its appearance in Austria during recent years. One in every seven Austrian citizens signed the Stockholm Appeal demanding prohibition of the atom bomb, and more than 850,000 signatures have been collected to date for a Pact of Peace among the five Great Powers. This is a fact of immense political significance. Signatures were affixed not only by factory and office workers, but also by intellectuals, artisans, peasants, housewives, representatives of bourgeois circles; not only by Communists but also by tens of thousands of Socialists, non-Party people, Catholics and people belonging to different organisations and trends.
Defence of peace is the pivot of the entire struggle of our Party. The task of the Party and the duty of all Communists is to expose the warmongers, to rouse the people and organise the opposition of the masses to the American instigators of war.
If we are desirous, in the present conditions, of solving the great tasks that confront us we must make every effort to effect unity of the working class. There is no doubt that in this respect we attained considerable success in the period under review. The universal approval with which the workers hailed the decision of the Left-wing bloc to vote against Gleissner, and also the comradely co-operation of the Socialist Workers’ Party, express the desire of the Austrian working class for unity. This desire was clearly manifested in the preliminary results of the elections for the production councils. At 154 enterprises where elections have been held and where trade union unity lists were advanced even during the previous elections, the number of seats won by the unity candidates had increased, by October 30, from 410 to 530. It should be added that at 58 enterprises where united lists were advanced for the first time, 111 seats have been won to date. These results do not give a complete picture since the elections have yet to be held at the majority of enterprises. But they do show even now the changes that are taking place in the working class.
However, the successes achieved in the struggle for unity of the working class do not as yet correspond to the requirements of the existing situation and possibilities. One of the most important conditions for effecting unity of the working class is to overcome in our ranks the pronounced sectarianism that still exists in relation to the Socialist workers. Lenin taught that Communists should always “soberly appraise the actual level of consciousness and preparation” of the entire class and should not think that everything that is clear for revolutionary workers is known and understood also by other workers. However, the point is that our comrades in their talks and arguments with Socialist workers often lose patience when the latter defend incorrect views; they give up the job of trying to convince them, saying it is useless. There prevails among us a widespread disdain for the opinions and views of the Socialist workers and this attitude tends to form a barrier between us and them. Communists must display serious regard for the statements and views of the Socialist workers, even if these views are incorrect, and should try to refute them by argument and facts. For this we need plenty tolerance, tact and force of conviction.
Now that the Right-wing Socialist leaders have become inciters of the aggressive imperialist war and organisers of strike-breaking activity, the directive of the Fourteenth Party Congress to the effect that unity of the working class in Austria can only be achieved in struggle against the treacherous leadership of the Socialist Party of Austria, is more actual than ever before. It is impossible to separate the struggle for winning the Socialist workers from simultaneous, systematic activity exposing the Right-wing leaders of the Socialist Party. But this exposure will not be achieved by cursing and swearing; it can only be achieved in joint struggle for the demands of the masses, and the task of Communists is: to reveal to the masses, on the basis of their own experience, the treachery of the Right-wing leaders of the Socialist Party and the correctness of our policy.
Work in the trade unions and in the mass organisations of the working people is of the greatest significance in the struggle for unity of the working class and for consolidating the ranks of the masses.
The Right-wing Socialist leaders of the trade unions are, more and more, turning the unions into an instrument of the coalition. Government pursuing the American policy of war and hunger. This policy runs counter to the interests of the working people and is encountering increasing resistance. Consequently, the trade union bureaucrats resort to dictatorial methods of leadership, practically killing trade union democracy and abolishing the right of union members to participate in deciding questions.
Communists who are members of trade unions will not be intimidated by these anti-democratic dictatorial methods. They will intensify their work in the branches and in the local trade union bodies, will defend the workers’ interests with greater vigour and determination. They will unite with trade union members—Socialists and non-Party—with all honest members of the production councils and with the trade union activists in order to expose the policy of the Right-wing trade union leaders—a policy directed against the workers and the unions—and in order to realise the will of the masses in the trade unions.
The general deterioration of the economic situation and the disastrous policy of the Government are, likewise, giving rise to growing discontent among the small and middle peasants, tenants and farm labourers. Never before have conditions been so favourable and mature for winning broad sections of the population in the countryside from the influence of the reactionary parties and of drawing them into the struggle on the side of the working class. It should be pointed out, however, that it is precisely in this particular sphere that we are weakest; we have but taken the first steps to ensure systematic organised work in the countryside. One of the main reasons for this unsatisfactory state of affairs is that in our own ranks there is deeply-rooted lack of confidence in the possibility of carrying out successful work in the countryside. Where our Party organisations got down to serious work among the rural population success was registered as for example in Burgenland and in certain areas in Lower Austria.
When we ask what are the forces in our country capable of changing the present situation, special emphasis must be laid on the great significance of the youth in the struggle for peace and national liberation.
We must clearly understand that in the present situation, with the warmakers doing their utmost to prepare the youth for another war, and the neo-fascist “Independent Union” sparing no effort to poison the youth with the venom of Nazi war propaganda and foment discord between nationalities, we must do all in our power to liquidate the influence of the warmongers on the youth and rally it for defence of the people's cause.

Further Consolidation of the Party

The prestige of the Party and its influence among the masses has grown if the past period. The Party has become stronger politically, ideologically and organisationally. A number of changes took place both in the organisational structure of the Party, in the composition of the leading bodies and among the cadres of Party functionaries in the period covered by the report. The breaking up of large branches into smaller units not only helped to enliven Party work and draw a large number of members into Party activity, it also facilitated the training and growth of thousands of new functionaries. The number of functionaries and activists has increased considerably. The Party now disposes of 28,105 functionaries and activists. The network of Party organisations in the factories was extended and the membership of factory organisations rose 11 per cent in the period between the two congresses. The Party has now 789 organisations in the factories of which 84 are subdivided into 570 department branches. The political significance of the factory organisations, which, increasingly, are becoming a more important form of Party organisation, has grown correspondingly.
However, a considerable section of the Party membership is not yet involved in Party life. Activisation of members remains a most important task. To solve this task it is necessary:
1) To strengthen the leadership of the branches particularly the local and large factory organisations and to improve their methods of work. Very often the leading bodies rely for Party work mainly on trusted persons and activists and do not adequately rally the entire membership;
2) The decisive condition for activising the Party members is regular Party meetings. Party meetings should discuss all political, organisational, production and local problems and adopt corresponding decisions. Exchange of opinion, thorough criticism and self-criticism—such are the pre-requisites, for better Party work and for overcoming shortcomings and weaknesses. At Party meetings the members can become convinced that they themselves consider, define and decide Party policy. After the Fourteenth Congress the Party also achieved notable success in the sphere of Party education. Beginning with the autumn of 1949, 539 evening classes, attended by 8,244 members, were organised in a number of the more important provinces. From early 1949 until August this year 3,263 Party members studied in central and province Party schools.
Party education was of great help in strengthening the Party, in training new cadres and enhancing the militancy of the Party. However, serious shortcomings still prevail in this sphere, despite the pronounced success. The number of rank-and-file members and functionaries attending Party schools and classes is inadequate. Not all leading bodies devote due attention to this matter. There are Party members, some of them leading functionaries, who do not study in Party schools.
Underestimation of ideological work is still one of the basic reasons for the political weakness and lagging of a number of Party organisations and certain sectors of work.
The theses prepared by the Central Committee for the Fifteenth Congress correctly point out: “Each Communist must become conscious of the fact that study of the works of Marx, Engels, Lenin and Stalin, questions relating to the victorious construction in the Soviet Union, and to the successes of the People’s Democracies, are a vast source of strength and a basis for the struggle waged by the Communists”.
The imperialists seek to mislead the masses not only by means of their despicable campaign of lies and slander in carrying out war preparations, they are also trying with the aid of their agents and spies to sow confusion in the ranks of the working class, in the ranks of the progressive organisations, and, above all, in the ranks of the Communist Parties. They are using for this purpose the contemptible clique of Titoite agents and mercenary elements, recruited in our country by the intelligence services of the Western powers for provocations, raids on Party premises, forging Party documents and so on. Political vigilance and systematic struggle against penetration by alien elements into the ranks of our Party must, therefore, be regarded as permanent tasks. The higher the ideological level of our comrades, the stronger the ties between the leading bodies and the masses and the more difficult for agents of the class enemy to carry out their criminal designs.

We are moving towards decisive battles. We must rally the masses for struggle against the daily encroachments on the living standard of the working people. We must forge unity of action among workers in the struggle for bread, peace and freedom.
The fight for peace, for a Five-Power Peace Pact must become the vital concern of the people of Austria.
It is necessary to unite the workers, office employees and peasants, handicraftsmen and intellectuals, youth and women into a peace and freedom front of the Austrian people to fight for a government of peace and national liberty.
Our country is situated at the junction between two worlds: the world of flowering socialism and the world of decaying, disintegrating capitalism. This increases our responsibility before our people and before the working class of the world. We, Austrian Communists, will not yield to any difficulties, we will not falter at any sacrifice in order to bring our people into action against the warmongers. We shall see to it that our youth, our workers and peasants do not go into battle for the American millionaires.
We are not alone in our struggle. We ate part of the world Communist movement. We are part of the great peace camp headed by the mighty socialist Soviet Union. Our slogan is: With Stalin, for peace!
Stalin means Socialism, the embodiment of the inevitable victory of Communism throughout the world.
Under the banner of Marx-Engels-Lenin-Stalin, forward to new battles and victories!

“For a Lasting Peace, For a People’s Democracy”,
No. 46 (158), Friday, November 16, 1951.

5. CATASTROPHIC GROWTH OF UNEMPLOYMENT IN AUSTRIA

Ever since the “Marshall plan” came into force unemployment has grown steadily in Austria. In 1948 there were over 54 thousand unemployed; in 1949 the number already exceeded 100 thousand, and in mid-December 1952 according to official data, clearly understated, there were 215 thousand unemployed workers.
Forty thousand workers were sacked during the first fourteen days of December. To the total number there should be added the scores of thousands of unemployed not registered, those working short time and some 50 thousand juveniles who are unemployed but do not figure in the official data.
The standard of living is going from bad to worse. According to far from complete figures issued by the Austria Institute of Economic Research, the subsistence minimum for a family of four increased by 17 per cent during the period from July 1951 to June 1952.
Mass unemployment; serve exploitation of the working people, steady lowering of real wages—such are the fruits of Marshallisation of Austria.

For a Lasting Peace, For a People’s Democracy !
No. 1 (217) FRIDAY, JANUARY 2, 1953

6. COLLAPSE OF POLICY OF MARSHALLISED GOVERNMENT OF AUSTRIA. Johann Koplenig, Chairman, Communist Party of Austria

The general election in Austria, scheduled for February 22, will take place in circumstances of serious and constantly growing economic difficulties and of growing crisis. The economic difficulties find expression in the growth of unemployment, in the shrinking of the home market as a result of the declining purchasing power of the broad masses of the Austrian population, in curtailment of industry, especially those branches producing for mass consumption, in the critical situation of handicrafts, etc.

I.
In the middle of January the number of officially registered unemployed at the Labour Exchanges amounted to 281,324, that is, nearly 100,000 more than at the end of December 1951. In this connection it should be borne in mind that the official unemployment figures do not include the tens of thousands of young people without work and the many thousands only working part-time. The mass unemployment leaves its impress on the economic and social development of the country. It hits hard not only those who suffer directly from it − the unemployed men and women − it is also the curse of the entire working population, even of those workers still employed in the enterprises; it is the curse of the poor peasants and agricultural labourers who “usually” found work in the towns during the winter months and who are now deprived of this possibility; and, finally, it is the curse of the small owners, handicraftsmen and artisans who suffer particularly from the sharp fall in the purchasing power of their permanent customers, as a result of the unemployment. The mass unemployment and its disastrous effect on the entire economic and social life of the country are the result of the policy of the Marshallised Figl-Schärf-Government and of the Government parties − the “Socialist Party” (S.P.A.) and the clerical, capitalist “Austrian People’s Party” (A.P.P.). The coalition Government of the S.P.A. and A.P.P. subordinated economic, financial, export-import and the foreign policy of Austria to the diktat of the American authorities, the organisers of the “cold war”, the imperialist instigators of war. The Communist Party of Austria right from the very inception of the “Mar-shall plan” waged a persistent struggle against subordinating the country to the control of the American monopolies. Despite all the actions of the enemies, despite the frantic slander campaign of the Government parties and their behind-the-scenes partner − the fascist “Union of Independents” − despite all the vilification, the Communist Party tirelessly explained and explain to the masses that the American millionaires, chasing after maximum profits, instead of being disinterested “benefactors and friends” of the Austrian people, as is continually shouted by the Government parties, seek to bring Austria into the Western aggressive war bloc and are the real enemies of the Austrian people. From their own bitter experience, ever greater masses of people are now, becoming convinced that the Communists are right, that the Austrian people are paying for the “American aid” with a high cost of living, mass unemployment, onerous conditions for pensioners and uncertainty for the morrow. On the basis of agreements with the American imperialists, the Figl-Schärf Government is obliged to ship to the West − to American satellites − for armament purposes iron and steel, aluminium, timber and electric energy, and is obliged to do so at prices considerably lower than those obtaining on the world market. In this way the economy of Austria suffers an annual loss amounting to billions of schillings. The coalition Government of the S.P.A. and A.P.P., which involved the country in the trade war unleashed by the Western powers, has undertaken not to supply the Soviet Union, the countries of people’s democracy and the German Democratic Republic with a considerable number of vital items which the Americans have placed on the black list. Sabotage of trade with the East is having an increasingly disastrous effect on the economic life of Austria and is one of the chief reasons for the growing mass unemployment. In keeping with the anti-peoples policy of American monopoly capital the coalition Government during recent years, by dictating agreements concerning wages and prices, considerably reduced real income of factory and office workers. The fifth agreement alone, concerning wages and prices, decreed in August 1951, signified, by the end of 1952, a 13 per cent reduction in real income for factory and office workers. The Right-wing Socialist leaders, lackeys of the dollar and warmongers had the audacity openly to admit that the lowering of the living standard of the working population of Austria is being effected in the interests of the frantic arming of U.S. satellites. For example, the Right-wing Socialist Eksl, secretary of the Vienna office workers trade union, wrote in the union organ “Der Privatangestellte” on November 12, 1951: “We have established that our real incomes are declining. But why not say that we take due note of the decline since it represents that bit we must contribute to the cause of arming the world (the author “forgot” to add − the Western world. − J. K.). We refuse to participate in the movement for higher, wages...” Pittermann, the leader of the Socialist group in Parliament, expressed himself even more cynically. On December 5, 1951 he said, virtually, the following in the Austrian Parliament: “Anyone in Austria who thinks that the cold war does not concern him that his private and economic life can continue in peaceful conditions, is a deserter”. It is precisely this cold war policy which is dooming the masses of the Austrian people to unemployment, growing need and privation. The purchasing power of the Austrian population is declining more and more in consequence of the anti-popular taxation policy of the coalition Government and the Government parties. While big capitalists and speculators are freed from tax payments to the tune of billions of schillings, while the Government has not stirred a finger to force businessmen to pay their tax arrears which, according to official data, run into 1.4 billion schillings and does nothing to stop the flow of capital from the country, the tax burden is becoming increasingly more oppressive for the ordinary citizen. The war tax on wages, introduced in Austria by the Hitlerites for financing armaments and war way back in 1938 and which still exists, is a particularly heavy burden. If the ordinary wage tax prior to 1938 constituted, depending on the wage scale, from 1 to 3 per cent of the earnings of factory and office workers, today, seven years after the war, the war tax on wages robs factory and office employees of 8-10 per cent of their already meagre earnings.
All the proposals of the Left bloc (Communists and Left Socialists) in the late Parliament for annulment of the war tax on wages and its replacement by a more just system of taxation were rejected by the S.P.A. deputies who acted in contact with the A.P.P. and the fascist “Union of Independents”. On the question of taxation and all other questions concerning the interests of the working masses the Right-wing leaders of the S.P.A. side with capitalist reaction. A number of facts which have come to light recently testify that the leaders of the Socialist and People’s parties stop at nothing in servility before foreign monopoly capital, in sacrificing the vital interests of the Austrian people. In an interview given to the newspaper “Stuttgarter Zeitung” Foreign Minister Gruber assured the Ruhr capitalists that the Austrian Government was ready to return former German “property” in Austria to its old owners. The Government had already adopted a unanimous decision on this point four years ago. “Neue Zürcher Zeitung”, “Financial Times” and other organs of finance capital reported that at a conference on the subject of Austria's pre-war debts, held in Rome in November 1952, the Figl-Schärf Government undertook to pay foreign creditors 20 billion schillings. Austria is to pay nearly 1.3 billion schillings per annum in interest and part payment of debts for a term ranging from 1954 to 1980. By this agreement Austria has to pay not only the debts of the First Republic but also those of the times of the Habsburg monarchy (for example, the loan to cover expenditure in connection with the occupation of Bosnia and Herzegovina in 1878 as well as other debts. The Government is plunging the Austrian people into real debt slavery.

II.
At the historic XIX Congress of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union Comrade Stalin, the great leader of working people of all countries, in his inspiring speech, said: “Formerly the bourgeoisie was considered the head of the nation, it championed the rights and independence of the nation, placing them ‘above everything’, Now, not a trace remains of the ‘national principle’. Now the bourgeoisie sells the rights and independence of the nation for dollars. The banner of national independence and national sovereignty has been thrown overboard”. These profound words by Comrade Stalin fully characterise also the policy or the Austrian rulers. The leaders of the Government parties are shamelessly bartering Austrian independence. Had the Austrian Government defended the interests of the Austrian people it would have done all in its power to further mutual understanding among the Great Powers and to secure the termination of the “cold war”, thereby helping to create the prerequisites for the signing of a state treaty and for effecting sound and progressive development of Austria. But the coalition Government does the very opposite. It tries by all means in its power to worsen the situation and sabotages the signing of a state treaty. The trump card of the Americanised leaders of the Socialist Party, People’s Party and of the “Union of Independents” in the present election campaign is once again slander against the countries of Socialism. However, thanks to the tireless explanatory work of the Communist Party of Austria, thanks to the sound judgement of the common people the slander conducted by the leaders of the Socialist Party meets with less and less success. One can often hear factory and, office workers, intellectuals, handicraftsmen and working peasants saying: “Slander will not provide work”. Indignation at the policy pursued by the Marshallised Government is growing among all sections of the population and there is also a growing desire for a change for the better in the situation. This indignation and the growing activity of the masses were expressed at a representative conference of factory representatives called in Linz last December on the initiative of the production councils and devoted to questions of the struggle against the hated war tax on wages. The conference was attended by 1,037 members of the production councils and delegates representing 547 of the most important enterprises in the country. The party affiliation of those present at the conference was as follows: 234 members of S.P.A., 40 Left Socialists, 346 Communists and 285 non-party people; 132 delegates did not supply information about their party affiliation. The conference presidium elaborated the draft of a law for the annulment of this tax and for restoration of Austrian tax laws. This draft is now the subject of a nation-wide campaign.

III.
The formation of the electoral bloc − the Austrian People’s Opposition − at a conference in Vienna in November 1952 is the strongest expression of the growing indignation of the masses against the policy of the coalition Government. The People’s Opposition unites all dissatisfied sections of the population irrespective of party affiliation, political views and world outlook; it embraces the Communist Party, Socialist Workers’ Party (Left Socialist), the Democratic Union headed by Dr. Josef Dobretsberger, Catholic professor, mass organisations and local associations of tenants, pensioners, war victims, the Union of Smallholders, the Union of Democratic Women, famous sportsmen, representatives of the intelligentsia, and others. “In Austria things must be different, things must be better”, − such is the slogan of the People’s Opposition. The programme of the People’s Opposition says that for the first time in the history of the Austrian republic all those who disagree with Government policy have the opportunity “while fully retaining their political convictions, world outlook and religious belief to act as a united force and express their will”. The People’s Opposition takes part in the election struggle with a progressive programme which corresponds to the aspirations and the interests of the Austrian people. It puts forward the following demands: 1. Adhering to a policy of strict neutrality, Austria must not participate in the “cold war”, in war preparation of any kind, in pacts and alliances. No slanderous and misanthropic propaganda; to carry out a policy that would facilitate the cause of peace and mutual understanding among the Great Powers and in this way end the occupation and ensure the independence of the country. 2. Instead of arbitrary rule and corruption − a policy of democracy. Abolition of the system of dictatorial decrees; no arbitrary action in relation to democratic organisations, newspapers, and national minorities: no toleration of, and no connivance in relation to, militarist and fascist actions; inviolability of democratic liberties. 3. An economic policy that would correspond to the needs of Austria and not to alien interests; no obstacles in the way of trade with the East which is of vital importance to Austria; an economic policy ensuring higher real income for factory and office workers; full employment: abolition of the war tax on wages and extension of social maintenance; peasants are ensured revision of the unjust tax system, protection for tenants and the carrying out of land reform; an economic policy corresponding to the interests of pensioners, handicraftsmen, war victims and victims of fascism. The formation of the People’s Opposition was received with profound sympathy by considerable sections of the population and evoked lively interest. This found expression in the fact that hundreds of local district and regional People’s Opposition committees were formed all over the country. By its pro-American policy the coalition Government has created an exceedingly grave situation in Austria. The broad masses are becoming convinced that continuation of this course will lead the country to economic, social and political catastrophe. They are fully determined to fight against those who are ruining Austria.

For a Lasting Peace, For a People’s Democracy!
No. 7 (223) FRIDAY, FEBRUARY 13, 1953

7. Plenum of Central Committee Of Austrian Communist Party

A plenary meeting of the Central Committee of the Austrian Communist Party took place on March 24-25 in Vienna. Opening the meeting Comrade Johann Koplenig, Chairman of the Party, paid tribute to the memory of J. V. Stalin.
Comrade Koplenig spoke on the first point on the agenda “Results of the Parliamentary election and next tasks of the Party”. After thorough discussion which revealed the unanimity of the entire Party, a resolution was unanimously adopted. The report on the second point on the agenda “The fight for political and moral purity of the Party”, was delivered by Comrade Friedl Fürnberg and was unanimously approved.

For a Lasting Peace, For a People’s Democracy!
No. 14 (230) FRIDAY, APRIL 3, 1953

8. Another Betrayal by Right-Wing Socialist Leaders of Austria
Jan MAREK

The name of the new Austrian Chancellor, Raab, is well known to the working people of Austria. They have known him for a long lime as a’ big manufacturer – a strangler of workers, a rabid reactionary and, in the past, one of the most active leaders of the fascist Heintwehr.
These facts are equally well known to the leaders of the Socialist Party of Austria. When the so-called “People’s Party”, of which Raab is a chieftain, nominated him as Parliamentary candidate in the general election, the leaders of the Right-wing Socialists and their press began to shout from the housetops that they were “against Raab”.
In the German language “Raab” and “raven” sound the same. And the Socialist Party of Austria issued a poster on which its election “rival’ – the People’s Party – was depicted as a black raven holding in its beak the identification card, of an unemployed worker. The poster was captioned: “Poverty and misery reign wherever the People’s Party holds sway. Fight back! Vote for the Socialist Party!”
At that lime many honest people in Austria believed the leaders of the Socialist Party and voted for its candidates. In the election on February 22, the Socialist Party, as is known, polled 2 million votes, The leaders of the Socialist Party, even after the election, continuing their demagogy for the purpose of deceiving the people, made a pretence at hostility towards Raab and his accomplices – Kamitz and others. For instance, on February 24 the “Arbeiter-Zeitung”, central organ of the Socialist Party, wrote: “The people of Austria have rejected the Raab-Kamitz course which threatens disruption of economic stability, tranquil political development and social peace”. Lying as usual, the paper assured its readers that, as a result of the election, Raab and Kamitz, “have been eliminated”.
But the time came for the formation of a government and the leaders of the Socialist Party quickly changed their tune. And on April 2 the “Arbeiter-Zeitung” struck an altogether different note. “The Socialists”, it said, “feel themselves strong enough to rule Austria together with Raab”. This same Raab, whom the Socialist Party leaders depicted as a black raven of reaction during the election campaign, all of a sudden turned out to be good enough, together with them, to run the country. And soon the voters, foully deceived time and again by the leaders of the Right-wing Socialists, heard of the formation of the Raab-Schärf-Kamitz coalition government. In the new government the Socialist Party, despite its electoral victory, agreed to have one minister less than the People’s Party. But this of course is not the main point. The main thing is the policy of the Government and this policy is such that it enabled Minister of Finance Kamitz to announce the plan for intensified attack of the standard of living of the working people, for further lowering real wages for new “gifts” to the capitalists and for complete subordination of the economy of Austria to foreign capitalist magnates. Democratic public opinion in Austria characterised the Kamitz plan as a serious threat to the country.
Thus, the electors who voted for the Socialist Party precisely for the purpose of defeating Raab, Kamitz and other reactionaries, are now confronted with a fait accompli secretly accomplished by the alliance of the Right-wing leaders of the Socialist Party with Raab and Kamitz, with the latter playing a leading role in the matter of realising the anti-popular programme.
This latest act of treachery by Schärf and his clique evoked profound indignation among the working people of Austria, including the rank and file of the Socialist Party. Seeking somehow to pacify the cheated electorate, the chieftains of the Socialist Party decided to think up “weighty arguments” which would justify their fresh betrayal. “Arbeiter-Zeitung” appeared with long arguments “substantiating” their stand. This “substantiation” openly acknowledges that the formation of the government had no connection whatever with the election results and that the basic considerations were those linked with the “international situation”. These considerations, according to the newspaper, called for the “establishment, as soon as possible, of a competent government which would include even Mr. Raab”. This is what one might call letting the cat out of the bag: there was no need at all to hold the parliamentary election since, irrespective of the outcome, Raab would become Chancellor and Kamitz would remain a minister, – this was the purport of the considerations linked with the “international situation”. It was not fortuitous that the “Neue Zeitung”, published in Western Germany by the Americans, wrote literally the following on this this subject: “It is most important that Kamitz, whose tasks and programme remain in the centre of the government’s activity, should continue office and not be handicapped even by the circumstance that his Secretary of State belongs to the Socialist Party”.
And so the thing that matters is that Raab, Kamitz and other reactionaries should in no way be handicapped and that they should proceed with their “job” of helping the foreign imperialists to enslave Austria. And the leaders of the Austrian Right-wing Socialists not only fulfil the demand but, in their kowtowing do their utmost to please both their “own” Raabs and the transatlantic Raabs.
Only recently, while in Paris, Schärf, in a press interview, boasted that in the recent elections the Socialist Party of Austria “achieved an absolute and relative strength as never before”. There and then he said: “We now a real pact on a coalition calculated over a long period”. Thus, Schärf admitted that his tie-up with the reactionaries Raab and Kamitz was serious and durable. But when Schärf’s interview appeared in “Arbeiter-Zeitung”, the central organ of his party, this sentence was missing. The reason for this was explained by the newspaper “Oesterreichische Volksstimme”: “Clearly, this statement which without doubt is designed for the general staff of the North Atlantic bloc, quartered in Paris, was not meant to reach the Socialist workers and the electors who voted for the Socialist Party since this would provide them with direct proof that the leadership of the Socialist Party had deceived them both before and after the election”.
It is obviously not without reason that many honest people in Austria call the Right-wing leaders of the Socialist Party lackeys of the U.S. imperialists, and the “Arbeiter-Zeitung”, central organ of this party, the “Amerikanische Zeitung”.

For a Lasting Peace, For a People’s Democracy!
NO 17 (233) FRIDAY, APRIL 24, 1953

9. Austrian Communists Study
FRANZ STROBL
Member of Central Propaganda Department,
Communist Party of Austria

The first educational year now drawing to a close in the system of elementary study in the Austrian Communist Party resulted in the accumulation of much valuable experience. It can be said right now that the year was highly successful. On June 1, when the educational year ends, certificates will be presented on behalf of the Central Committee to the more than 25,000 people who studied in 2,000 circles and regularly attended evening classes. In addition over 10,000 Party members, although not regular attenders at classes, also considerably enlarged and enriched their political knowledge.
Speaking of the successes it is necessary to point to a number of shortcoming which the Party will take into account in preparing for the second study year. Shortcomings manifested themselves, for instance, in the fact that the class leaders did not do their work properly. Here and there they paid too little attention to those members who, after attending classes once or twice, dropped out for a variety of reasons. Some Party organisations put all the work connected with the study onto the shoulders of tutors and class leaders.
The large number of classes called for a correspondingly large number of tutors with the result that very often comrades lacking adequate political training were appointed tutors. Not infrequently the leadership of Party organisations failed to give the necessary help to the tutors and this detracted from the quality of the classes.
At the moment the Party organisations are generalising the experience of the first educational year and are drawing concrete conclusions for themselves. The Communist Party of Austria, taking into account the experience of the first educational year, is elaborating the programme for the second year which begins in autumn.

For a Lasting Peace, For a People’s Democracy!
No. 19, (235) FRIDAY, May 9, 1953

10. Austrian Right-Wing Socialist Leaders Curry Favour With Tito
Jan MAREK

Not long ago, at the invitation of the Austrian authorities, the Titoites sent a group of former partisans to Austria to celebrate the tenth anniversary of the formation of the first partisan battalion in Carinthia. Genuine partisans who fought against the Hitler Invaders took advantage of this opportunity to flee from the unbearable Tito-Fascist regime. The moment the train carrying the partisan delegation crossed the Austrian border six of them jumped from the train in order to get away from Titoite Yugoslavia. When detained by the Austrian police they declared that they did not want to return to Titoite Yugoslavia and requested asylum in Austria.
How did the Austrian Government react to this?
Time there was when Helmer, the Minister for Home Affairs, a Right-wing Socialist, boasted that Austria, would never deny asylum to political emigrants. The Five-Year Plan envisages a still further development of education : the number of students in secondary and vocational schools in 19.55 will be roughly elevenfold greater than in
1~38.
Not long ago, at the invitation of the Austrian authorities, the Titoites sent a group of former partisans to Austria to celebrate the tenth anniversary of The formation of the first partisan battalion in Carinthia, Genuine partisans who fought against the Hitler Invaders took advantage of this opportunity to flee from the unbearable Tito-fascist regime. The moment the train carrying the partisan delegation crossed the Austrian border six of them jumped from the train in order to get away from Titoite In point of fact Austria has provided, and provides now, asylum... for rabid reactionaries, fascist politicians, saboteurs and spies, in a word, far all the scum who scuttled from the countries of people’s democracy to the Western Zones of Austria. This type of “emigre” always found and finds now asylum under the hospitable protection of the Austrian authorities. Moreover, this scum is surrounded there with the most touching solicitude.
But when it was a matter of granting asylum to genuine anti-fascists who fled from Titoite Yugoslavia, Helmer granted “asylum” to the Yugoslav partisans... in a quarantine camp in Klagenfurt. What the people who find themselves in such camps are subjected to is well-known: they are given certain “treatment” by the U.S. and British military authorities; they are subjected to all kinds of coercion in order to enlist them for the espionage network of the U.S. and British intelligence services.
Moreover, the six partisans at are threatened with being handed over to the mercy of butcher Rankovic. It goes saying that either of these decisions fully corresponds to the wishes of the Titoites.
Such in practice, is the “asylum” for political emigres granted by the Right-wing Socialist Helmer and his henchmen. This, incidentally, is not the only fact that Helmer, like other Right-wing Socialist leaders, long ago aligned himself with the Tito spies and assassins, that he has been helping them for a long time.

For a Lasting Peace, For a People’s Democracy!
1953_FALPFAPDNO 20(236)_FRIDAY_MAY 15

11. Shadow of “Anschluss”
Jan MAREK

On the occasion of the visit to Western Germany of Gruber, Austrian Foreign Minister, an Austrian newspaper featured a cartoon Showing Gruber being welcomed on the Bonn platform by Ruhr capitalists and Adeanuer, who asks: “Have you brought the presents with you?”.
True enough, Austrian’s reactionary rulers had decided to present the West German monopolists with a solid “gift”. One of the chief points discussed by Gruber and Adenauer was the so-called “former German assets” in Austria. By this is meant a considerable part of the country’s industrial potential which was seized by the Ruhr monopolies during the Hitler occupation and taken from them after the war.
According to press reports the West German concerns have lodged a claim for the return of this property estimated at 5-6 billion marks, or in Austrian currency, 30-36 billion schillings. Suffice it to say that this sum is the equivalent of half the national income of the country. According to the press Gruber agreed to these insolent demands. In less than a week after Gruber’s return from Bonn, the press reported that some 20 enterprises in Salzburg, earmarked as so-called “German assets”, had been returned to their former owners.
But something more than the question of “former German assets” was discussed during the Bonn meeting. The newspapers report that Gruber discussed with Adenauer the question of “foreign-policy unity” between Western Germany and Austria, the establishment of a Bonn-Vienna axis and of Austria’s participation in a “United Europe”. At first the comments in the West German and Austrian reactionary press were somewhat restrained, and cautious. But with the termination of the negotiations Adenauer decided, as the saying goes, to let the cat out of the bag. Speaking at a banquet he suddenly began to dwell on the “common fate of Germany and Austria”, about the “oneness of the destiny of Austria and Germany not in the past alone but in the future too.” It is not difficult to see that lies behind this talk, especially if one recalls that nowadays lunatic revanchist speeches are heard more and more frequently in Western Germany. The Manchester Guardian, not without reason, referred to the recent Gruber-Adenauer negotiations as the first step towards another “Anschluss”.
And so today as in 1938 the sinister shadow of the “Anschluss’’, again looms over Austria. It will not be amiss to recall in this connection the attitude in those days of the Austrian Social Democrats.
When an act of brutal violence was perpetrated against the Austrian people, when the Hitler jackboot trampled rough-shed over Austrian soil, Renner, leader of the Austrian Right-wing Socialists, declared that he favoured the “Anschluss” and regarded it as an “historically just act”.
Birds of a feather flock together. True, the present leaders of the Austrian Right-wing Socialists have not yet dared openly to advocate an “Anschluss”, but they, nevertheless, are doing all in their power to support the port the “initiative” of Gruber and Co. Thus, for example, they have set aside special funds in the nationalised enterprises—the majority of which are “former German assets”—into which the profits have been ploughed for a number of years. These funds, some newspapers point out, are earmarked as “compensation to be paid to the former owners of these enterprises—the Ruhr magnates. To safeguard the profits of the Ruhr monopolists, to pave the way for them to the Austrian economy,—such is the “lofty mission” which the reactionary leaders of the Socialist Party of Austria have taken upon themselves.
But in conducting their back-stage negotiations with the Bonn revanchists these gentlemen forget at least two things: firstly, that 1953 is not 1938, secondly that Austrian people will not let anybody barter their country; the people want a just state treaty and have no desire whatever to be strangled by the West German imperialist octopus.

For a Lasting Peace, For a People’s Democracy!
NO 23 (239), FRIDAY, JUNE 5, 1953

12. “Volksstimme” Activists
Experiences of District Committee Of Communist Party Of Austria
In Building Circulation For Party Press
Josef HAUSNER
Leader of the Stadlau (Vienna) Organisation, Communist Party of Austria

This is not the first year that we have been waging struggle for ousting the pres—hostile to the proletariat—from workers’ homes in Stadlau, one of the biggest working-class districts in Vienna, and to get the biggest possible circulation for “Volksstimme”, the central organ of our Party.
Experience has convinced us that this task can be solved only by mobilising volunteer activists, sufficiently mature politically, who can discuss the different political issues with the people to whom they offer the paper, and enlighten and convince these people. Our “Volksstimme” activists include a considerable number of leading Party functionaries and branch activists. Every Sunday for the past few years many of them have been making door-to-door visits in working class districts, winning an increasing number of readers for our paper.
Once a month (and also on special occasions) we practice Sunday circulation days for which we try to rally all our leading functionaries and activists. On these Sundays our aim is to cover every single apartment by a “Volksstimme” activist. In some of the regional organisations of the Party this aim has already been achieved.
There are approximately 20,000 families in our district of which 2,000 are permanent subscribers to “Volksstimme”. With the help of our activists we sell on some Sundays an extra 4,000 copies. In this way nearly every third family gets the paper.
It goes without saying that our regular Sunday press drives are a source of worry to the Right-wing Socialists. They admit in their newspapers that they cannot organise anything of the kind since they are short of people. What they do is this: Frequently leading functionaries of the Socialist Party call on members of their organisations and people who in one way or another are dependent on them (for jobs, houses, etc.) and insist that they refuse to open their doors to “Volksstimme” activists. In some places the Right-wing Socialists have actually installed an “alert system” which gives warning of the arrival of the “Volksstimme” activists, and, by hook or by crook, try to prevent them from delivering the paper to the working people.
Our perseverance and patience have been rewarded with definite success. In Neu-Srassäcker, a Vienna suburb, where the influence of the Socialist Party prevailed, “Volksstimme’’ activists worked hard and perseveringly. For instance, they collected all the copies read by subscribers and circulated them among non-readers. Later they again called on these people, asked for their views about the paper, listened to their criticisms, etc. In the course of these discussions serious agitation and political work was carried out, the number of subscribers in the district grew and many who were opponents of the paper are new friends.
Similar methods are practised by the Party branches in the factories. In those factories where there are no Party organisation we endeavour to circulate the paper through the medium of the branch activists in other enterprises and by the corresponding territorial branches.
A number of shortcomings persist in our press circulation work which must be overcome. The number of activists is inadequate. In some places press canvassing is carried out without corresponding political work. Our activists do not always display the necessary perseverance in their activity among Socialist workers. As a result, the contact which we succeed in establishing with them in some places eventually tapers off.
Our biggest weakness is that the work of building circulation is frequently carried out in the form of “campaigns”. Having won marked success we later often lose numbers of the newly won readers. We are making every effort to overcome this shortcoming and to carry on the work persistently and perseveringly.

For a Lasting Peace, For a People’s Democracy!
No. 24 (240), Friday, June 12, 1953

13. Work of Organisations of Socialist Unity Party Of Germany In Trade Unions

The Central Committee of the Socialist Unity Party of Germany called on all Party organisations to improve work in the trade union.
The Party organisation in the state-owned “HF” enterprise in the Köpenick district of Berlin has not devoted due attention so far to work in the trade unions. This resulted in poor political work among the masses, in lack of attention to the suggestions made by non-party workers concerning production, to their wishes. Trade union workers did not understand their functions. For example, chairman or a shop trade union committee restricted himself to collecting membership dues and distributing ration coupons for textile goods, etc.
At present, trade union meetings are held in all the shops with the Party members actively participating in them. The workers express their desires and make numerous suggestions. These meetings help to explain political and economic questions to non-party workers and simultaneously utilise their initiative and experience.
The leadership of the Party organisation in the enterprise obliges the members to hold talks with the non-party workers and to see to it that their valuable suggestions and remarks are translated into life. In the forging press shop, for example, women workers told a Party member that they were badly supplied with overalls. In a few days new overalls were issued to them. The Party leadership in the “HF” enterprise is helping to eliminate the shortcomings in trade union work and is strengthening its contact with the workers and with the lower trade union activists.

For a Lasting Peace, For a People’s Democracy!
NO 30 (246), FRIDAY, JULY 24, 1953

14. RIGHT-WING LEADERS OF SOCIALIST PARTY—CHAMPIONS OF U.S. POLICY IN AUSTRIA.
Friedl Fürnberg, General Secretary, Communist Party of Austria

The Right-wing leaders of the Socialist Party of Austria are loyal and zealous lieutenants of U.S. imperialism. In carrying out orders from Washington they are striving might and main to ensure that the working people of Austria and the members of their own party are kept in the dark about their policy being directed from the U.S. centres of instigation. There is nothing new or original about the recipe: unbridled slander against the Soviet Union, the countries of people’s democracy and against the Communists, designed to facilitate the plunder of the country and the turning of Western Austria into a bridgehead for the U.S. aggressors. Every sharpening of the “cold war”, brought about by the imperialist camp, was seized upon by the Right-wing leaders of the Socialist Party for the purpose of mounting a new offensive of slander and falsehood against the Soviet Union and the People’s Democracies.
The changes in the international political situation in recent months forced the Right-wing Socialists in many countries, taking into account the sentiments of the masses, to make certain criticism of the policy of U.S. imperialism. But the Right-wing Socialist leaders in Austria, disregarding all facts, gave still more resolute support to the aggressive course of the U.S. propaganda against the Soviet Union and the countries of people’s democracy.
This was manifested in particular in the stand taken by the Socialist Party of Austria in relation to the “European Army” and the rearming of Western Germany. It is known, for example, that under pressure of public opinion a number of leaders of the French Socialist Party, a considerable, number of leaders of the British Labour Party, Right-wing Social Democrats in Western Germany and in other countries are now compelled to come out in word at least, against the formation of the “European Army”. But the leaders of the Socialist Party of Austria stubbornly adhere to the American point of view. They refused not only to speak out against the rearming of Western Germany and against the plans for rebuilding a German fascist army, they openly back Adenauer’s policy and agitate for a “European Army” under the leadership of the big West German capitalists.
Many rank and file socialists, however, are beginning to wonder whether in relation to the German question a standpoint, which completely coincides with that of the U.S. imperialists and Adenauer, but contradicts the standpoint of all genuinely peace-loving and freedom-loving forces, can be peace-loving and freedom-loving. The fact that in the major questions the leadership of the Austrian Socialist Party carries out the wishes of the U.S. imperialists was manifested in recent weeks with the greatest clarity in relation to Austria itself.
This year, as is known, the Soviet Union has displayed a new peace initiative. The peaceful steps of the Soviet Union met with a wide response in all countries, including Austria. This especially true in relation to the measures directly affecting Austria.
The Soviet Government has carried out a whole number of measures. Of these the most important were the return of the Ybbs-Persenbeug hydro-electric station under construction on the Danube and which, as German properly, passed at one time into the possession of the Soviet Union in conformity with the Potsdam decisions; the separation of the Supreme Commissariat of the Soviet Union in Austria from the Supreme Command of the Soviet troops and its transfer to civilian jurisdiction; the raising of the mutual representations of the Soviet Union and Austria to the rank of Embassies; the raising of control at the demarcation line, etc.
The Austrian people particularly welcomed the raising of the control at the demarcation line which resulted in free communication with all parts of Austria. Linz, capital of Upper Austria, celebrated this event as a holiday, decorating the streets with flags. On the Danube bridge, linking Linz and Urfahr (the demarcation line crosses the bridge), masses of people demonstrated their great joy and hailed the Soviet soldiers. Numerous delegations called on the Soviet authorities and expressed their gratitude to the Soviet Government for its peaceful steps.
The reasons for the joy displayed by the Austrian people are not far to seek. The people saw that the measures of the Soviet Government are genuine peaceful measures, which have strengthened the hopes of the people that peace will be preserved and a free, peaceful and independent Austria established.
The wide response, which the peace measures of the Soviet Union evoked among the popular masses, also compelled leading political circles in the country to define their attitude in the new circumstances. Chancellor Raab, when addressing a meeting of his Party (“People’s Party”) spoke about the need for and the possibility of good relations with the Soviet Union and hinted that it might be better to give up the constant vilification of the Soviet Union. However, barely a day had passed when the Right Socialist Helmer, Minister of the Interior, raised a hullabaloo against softening the anti-Soviet slander. He fiercely attacked those striving for mutual understanding, qualifying it as “appeasement”, and, following the example of the U.S. imperialists and obviously fulfilling their orders, demanded that ultimatum “conditions” be submitted to the Soviet Union.
A few days later when a Government announcement was made in Parliament it was obvious that the line of the Right-wing leaders of the Socialist Party had gained the upper hand in the Government, not only for continuing the “cold war” on Austrian soil but for fanning it as much as possible. The Right-wing Socialist press immediately launched a new campaign of slander and hatred against the Soviet Union and the countries of people’s democracy. This crusade assumed frantic forms when the news came through of the fascist provocation in Berlin and its collapse. The Right-wing Socialist leaders openly aligned themselves with their criminals and SS bandits and expressed delight at the actions of the fascist gangs from Western Berlin who rushed into the democratic sector of Berlin. In this way the Right-wing Socialist leaders revealed their true face. They have shown that they want to turn “Social Democracy—the appeaser of the peoples”, as it was once named by them, into an organisation instigating the peoples against each other, preparing the peoples for a new war against the countries where power is in the hands of the people.
However, it has become clear in the past weeks that in Austria, in addition to the Communist Party and the People’s Opposition which consistently agitate for solution of controversial questions by means of negotiation, there are circles which would also welcome agreement among the Great Powers. These circles realise that such agreement would benefit Austria itself and that by taking this path a State treaty with Austria would be possible. Naturally, these circles—comprising people whose stand is a bourgeois standpoint—have in mind first of all their own interests which, although bearing a class character, in one way or another, express alarm for the future of Austria.
Things are different with the leaders of the Socialist Party. They fear any mutual understanding. They are alien to any national Austrian interests. They meekly obey orders from without, “Arbeiter-Zeitung” wrote with glee after the fascist provocation in Berlin that the possibility of agreement is now excluded and that the attempt to ease the world tension has suffered “complete failure”. The leaders of the Socialist Party of Austria are pursuing the same policy as the Bonn satellites of the U.S.A. who now openly say that unification of Germany can be restored only by military action.
Why do the Austrian Socialist leaders. pursue this policy? Why have they completely aligned themselves with the aggressive American course? Why are they so afraid of mutual understanding? Why do they allege that Great Power agreement will only help the Communists, although previously, for quite a number of years, they alleged that it was the Communists who had unloosed the “cold war”, that the Communists alone are interested in maintaining it?
The reason lies in the fear of the Austrian Socialist leaders that agreement between the Great Powers may lead to the bridging of the gulf between the Socialist and Communist workers, a gulf which the Right-wing Socialist leaders seek to preserve and deepen. The disappearance of this gulf would signify that the economic measures of the coalition Government, directed against the working people, as well as the political measures designed to support the fascist and militarist elements in Austria, would encounter the insurmountable resistance of a united working class. The Socialist Party leaders would no longer be able to get away with their reactionary measures, alien to the workers, cloaked in deceitful declarations that they are necessary for defence of freedom which, they allege, is threatened from the East. Hence the Right-wing Socialist leaders would lose their significance for their masters. And this is what they fear.
They fear this all the more since Austria is now threatened with two big dangers: the economic danger in the form of a grave crisis in the coming winter and the political danger in the form of a new “anschluss” on the part of a militarised and fascisized Western Germany. The Socialist Party leaders have been given the task of diverting the attention of the popular masses from these dangers. But they can do this only by intensifying the slander and lies against our neighbours in the East. Consequently they are savagely opposed to any agreement and conciliation.
What will be the outcome of this policy? The Socialist Party leaders, naturally, cannot hold back the course of development: they cannot bold back the growing will of the masses for peace and mutual understanding. The outcome of this policy, in the final analysis, will be that the bankruptcy of the Socialist Party leaders becomes even more pronounced.
The Austrian Communists will not be provoked. They, in the future too, will pursue their policy of struggle for peace and mutual understanding, for the independence of their country, for a State treaty with Austria. They are striving and will continue to strive, in every possible way, for unity with the Socialist workers. They regard the struggle for working-class unity as their immediate task. They will make still greater efforts to find ways for mutual understanding and joint action with rank and file Socialists.
The Communists in the future, too, will seek, jointly with their friends and allies, to extend the People’s Opposition, to transform it into a broad all-embracing Austrian front of peace and freedom.
As against the policy of war pursued by the leaders of the Austrian Socialist Party, Comrade Koplenig; Chairman of the Communist Party of Austria, recently declared in Parliament:
“There is no doubt whatever about the striving of our people for peace and agreement. The friendly acts or the Soviet Union encourage the Austrian people in their struggle for a really peaceful, democratic and independent Austria.
“The people have the right to demand that the Government do all in its power lo disperse the atmosphere of hale and mistrust and to facilitate the triumph of the cause of peace and mutual understanding the world over.
“He who wants to serve Austria must devote himself to the cause of achieving mutual understanding”.

For a Lasting Peace, For a People’s Democracy!
NO 30 (246), FRIDAY, JULY 24, 1953

15. SIGNING OF STATE TREATY WITH AUSTRIA IN VIENNA

On May 15 at 11.30 central European time in the Marble Hall of the Belvedere Palace in Vienna, the State Treaty with Austria, envisaging the restoration of Austria as an independent and democratic state, was signed by the representatives of the Soviet Union, the United States of America, Britain, France and Austria.
The actual signatories were: V. M. Molotov, Minister for Foreign Affairs, and I. I. Ilyichev, Soviet Ambassador to Austria, on behalf of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics; H. Macmillan, Secretary for Foreign Affairs, and G. Wallinger, British Ambassador to Austria; on behalf of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland; J. Dulles, Secretary of State, and L. Thompson, U.S. Ambassador to Austria, on behalf of the United States of America; A. Pinay, Minister for Foreign Affairs, and R. Lalouette, French Chargé d’Affaires in Austria, on behalf of the French Republic; L. Figl, Minister for Foreign Affairs, on behalf of the Austrian Republic.
The ceremony of signing the Treaty was attended by all members of the delegations of the Four Powers and Austria, which bad taken part in the Conference convened to consider and sign the State Treaty with Austria.
The signing took place in the presence of J. Raab, Chancellor of the Austrian Republic, and other members of the Austria Government.
After the signing V. M. Molotov delivered a speech, published below, and short speeches were also made by H. Macmillan, J. Dulles, A. Pinay and L. Figl.
“Thereafter, V. M. Molotov, H. Macmillan, J. Dulles, A. Pinay, J. Raab, Vice-Chancellor A. Schaerf and L. Figl, from the balcony of the Belvedere Palace, saluted the people of Vienna who had crowded into the palace park and the adjoining streets. The appearance on the balcony of these representatives of the powers signing the Treaty was greeted with an enthusiastic ovation from tens of thousands of Austrians.

For a Lasting Peace, For a People’s Democracy”,
No. 20 (341), Friday, May 20, 1955.

16. SPEECH OF V. M. MOLOTOV on Signing the State Treaty with Austria on May 15, 1955

Mr. Federal Chancellor,
Gentlemen,
The signing of the State Treaty with Austria is an important international event. Today is a happy day for the Austrian people. Moreover, peoples who are striving to establish lasting peace and international co-operation will welcome this event with great satisfaction. The Treaty we are signing today restores the sovereignly and independence of democratic Austria. It opens up a new page in the history of the Austrian people and in relations among European states.
Austria declares that she will adhere to a state of permanent neutrality. Thus, henceforth there will be a neutral Austria alongside Switzerland in the entire of Europe. The Governments of the Soviet Union, the United States of America, Britain and France have all expressed their readiness to respect the neutrality of Austria. Allow me to express confidence that other countries also will follow this example.
The Soviet Union attaches great significance to Austria’s statement that she will not join any military alliance or allow foreign war bases on her territory. The Soviet Union, warmly welcomes this stand taken by Austria, a stand of sincere neutrality which is highly significant for the cause of promoting peace in Europe. It is particularly important that this stand fully accords with the sincere aspirations of the Austrian people. It will be wholeheartedly supported by other peoples in Europe, and not just in Europe alone.
It should be recalled today that as early as 1943, at the height of the bloody battles against the Hitler invaders, the Soviet Union, Britain and the U.S.A. expressed their desire to see Austria free and independent again. This was stated in the well-known Moscow Declaration of the Three Powers, with which France also associated herself. In 1945, after heavy battles against the enemy, the Soviet Army liberated Vienna, the glorious capital of Austria. Our Army achieved this jointly with its Allies in the anti-Hitler coalition. Thereby the conditions were created for the carrying out of the provisions of the Moscow Declaration.
As is generally known, the negotiations with the Austrian Government delegation, headed by the Federal Chancellor Julius Raab, which took place in April in Moscow, resulted in a final settlement of the Austrian question. The negotiations were held in an atmosphere of sincere mutual understanding and co-operation. They ensured a successful solution of all major problems relating to the Austrian Treaty. At the same time serious economic questions were also settled.
Under the Treaty, Austria is freed from reparations. In this respect, however, the question of former German property was of great importance. It should be noted that this question has also been. settled with complete agreement among the Four Powers and Austria herself. The Soviet Government endeavoured to ensure that there should be no delay in settling the German as well as the Austrian question. But this proved to be unattainable under present conditions.
If the year 1955 marks the final settlement of the Austrian question, it cannot be said that we have advanced as regards the settlement of the German question. New obstacles have arisen in this respect, which seriously aggravate the situation. The danger of a revival of aggressive German militarism has appeared, compelling the peace-loving European countries to take new measures to safeguard their security.
The Soviet Union will continue its efforts to find ways and means for a peaceful and democratic settlement of the German question, and such as will correspond to the legitimate aspirations of the German people for the restoration of the unity of Germany without a revival of German militarism. Only such a settlement of the German question will fully accord with the interests of restoring freedom and independence to Germany as a single state and, at the same time, with the real consolidation of peace in Europe.
It should be admitted that every step which lessens the tension in the international situation now corresponds to the most heart-felt wishes of the peoples. The signing of the Austrian Treaty will promote the easing of international tension, and herein lies its particular significance.
It is common knowledge that the U.S.A., Britain, France and the Soviet Union are now negotiating with a view to a forthcoming conference of the heads of Governments. All four Governments have expressed themselves as being in favour of such a conference. Its aim will be to stimulate such steps and definite measures as will meet the desires of the peoples for the easing of international tension.
This is in full conformity with the peace-loving policy of the Soviet Government, which has invariably upheld the interests of world peace and international security. All moves of the Soviet Union are clear evidence of this. Particularly noteworthy are the recent Soviet proposals outlining a concrete plan for a universal reduction in armaments, a ban on atomic and hydrogen weapons and the establishment of international control, a plan which corresponds to the interests of world peace.
The signing of the Austrian Treaty is an event of the utmost international significance. The successful carrying through of the preparations for this step bears further witness to the possibility of solving other urgent international problems.
It is not along the road of preparations for another atomic war, or of this or that military gamble, that the peoples of Europe and the whole world expect settlement of the international questions now at stake. The Austrian Treaty demonstrates that there are ways of solving these problems which lie in another direction, corresponding to the genuine aspirations of the peoples concerned and, simultaneously to the interests of all other peoples, irrespective of the social system of their states.
We now know that Austria will not take part in any military bloc and will not permit the setting up of foreign bases on its territory. This cannot but be a matter of rejoicing to the Austrian people.
In conformity with the Treaty, Austria will not discriminate in its trade with other countries. It is impossible not to realise the significance of this decision, supported as it is by the Soviet Union, U.S.A., Britain, and France.
All this creates favourable prerequisites for the Austrian people to live in conditions of peace, democratic development and the advance of their national economy. This is also of great importance for the further growth of friendly relations between Austria and other countries.
All this is bound to promote friendly relations between the Soviet Union and Austria to the mutual benefit of the peoples of both countries as well as of the cause of world peace.
Allow me to wish the Austrian people every success in the further advance of their economy and national culture and in the development of political and economic co-operation with other peoples, in the interests of promoting peace in Europe and throughout the world.

………………
Speech by Comrade N. S. Khrushchev, First Secretary, C.C, CPSU

………………
Comrade Khrushchev then turned to certain questions relating to the international situation. He stressed the tremendous significance of the State Treaty, recently signed in Vienna, on the restoration or an independent, democratic Austria.
The settlement of the Austrian question, reached through the initiative of the Soviet Union, is a substantial contribution to relaxing international tension and strengthening peace.
Bourgeois propaganda persistently and maliciously claims that the Soviet Union wants to seize the whole of Europe. Yet when concluding the Austrian Treaty we proposed that all troops, including our own, be withdrawn from Austria. Could there be any stronger proof that the Soviet Union does not intend to seize Europe or to wage war in general? Who would withdraw his troops if he were going to attack ? We have been and remain the most consistent and resolute defenders or peace both in Europe- and throughout the world.

18. BEST CANVASSERS IN VIENNA
    
    

The Vienna Peace Council regularly features the names of those activists who achieve the best results in collecting signatures to the Appeal of the World Peace Council. And in the first place on this list of honour appears the name of an ordinary Austrian woman Anna Hobodites, who has collected 2,893 signatures.
Maria Augustovics, a worker in one of the Vienna factories, who has collected 1,405 signatures, tells how, directly after work each day, she collects signatures in the most crowded streets and squares of Vienna. “To do that”, she says, “one must have much patience. While collecting signatures discussions very often rise, and many people., who at first stopped just out of curiosity, also sign the Appeal. But to collect one thousand signatures, I had to explain to people the significance of the signature campaign five thousand times or, maybe, even more.”
A 62-year-old woman pensioner Gisela Draskovits, residing in the 15th district of Vienna, has obtained 208 signatures. “One must possess grit”, she said. “It may happen that people get angry with you but, eventually, you succeed in convincing many of them. In the street strangers often approach me and when I ask how they came to know me, they answer they gave me their signatures to the Appeal. I think that those from whom I obtained signatures will never regret signing and will always have happy memories of me.”

For a Lasting Peace, For a People’s Democracy”,
No. 20 (341), Friday, May 20, 1955.