SOME DOCUMENTS ON WORLD PEACE COUNCIL AND WARSAW PACT FROM 16 SEPTEMBER 1948 TO 20 MAY 1955

COMPILED FROM

1. Congress in Wroclaw: Battle for Peace and Culture.
   Emillo Serent
   For a Lasting Peace, for a People’s Democracy!
   No. 18 (21) Wednesday, September 15, 1948
   
   

2. MANIFESTO WORLD PEACE CONGRESS
   For a Lasting Peace, For a People’s Democracy
   No 9(36) SUNDAY, MAY 1, 1949
   
   

3. WORLD PEACE CONGRESS
   For a Lasting Peace, For a People’s Democracy
   No 9(36) SUNDAY, MAY 1, 1949
   
   

4. ATOMS AND BLOCS.
   D. Zaslavsky
   For a Lasting Peace, For a People’s Democracy
   No 9(36) SUNDAY, MAY 1, 1949
   
   

5. IN THE NAME OF PEACE AND THE SECURITY OF NATIONS
   “For a Lasting Peace, For a People’s Democracy”,
   No. 20 (341), Friday, May 20, 1955.
   
   

6. FINAL COMMUNIQUE OF WARSAW CONFERENCE OF EUROPEAN STATES ON SAFEGUARDING PEACE AND SECURITY IN EUROPE
   “For a Lasting Peace, For a People’s Democracy”,
   No. 20 (341), Friday, May 20, 1955.
   
   

7. THE SIGNING OF THE TREATY OF FREINDSHIP, CO-OPERATION AND MUTUAL ASSISTANCE
   “For a Lasting Peace, For a People’s Democracy”,
   No. 20 (341), Friday, May 20, 1955.
   
   

8. TREATY OF FRIENDSHIP, CO-OPERATION AND MUTUAL ASSISTANCE
   between the People’s Republic of Albania, the People’s Republic of Bulgaria,
   the Hungarian People’s Republic, the German Democratic
   Republic, the Polish People’s Republic, the Rumanian People’s Republic,
   the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics and the Czechoslovak Republic
   “For a Lasting Peace, For a People’s Democracy”,
   No. 20 (341), Friday, May 20, 1955.
   
   

9. ON SETTING UP A UNIFIED COMMAND
   of the Armed Forces of the States Signatory to
   the Treaty of Friendship, Co-operation and Mutual Assistance
   “For a Lasting Peace, For a People’s Democracy”,
   No. 20 (341), Friday, May 20, 1955.
   
   1. Congress in Wroclaw: Battle for Peace and Culture.
   Emillo Serent
   The international democratic press carried many articles, commentaries and reports on the work of the World Congress of Culture in Defence of Peace, convened in Worclaw (Poland) on August 25-28.
   The reactionary press which at first tried to build a conspiracy of silence around this great gathering of progressive intellectuals, was eventually compelled, in its own fashion, to take note of this important event in international life.
   The reactionary papers of Britain, France, Western Germany, Italy and other countries specialising in war provocation followed in the footsteps of the Vatican organ “Osservatore Romana” and the American yellow press. To please their Wall Street masters, they continue to pour out a steady stream of lies about the results of the Congress and about many of those who took part in it.
   To understand the real motives behind this vicious campaign against the Wroclaw Congress. It is only necessary to recall Comrade Stalin’s words in his talk with H. G. Wells. He said that culture, too, is a weapon of which “the effectiveness depends on who holds it and against whom it is directed”. The world’s outstanding cultural figures declared at Wroclaw that they wished to place this weapon in the hands of the people and at the service of the people. They intended to use it against the Wall Street warmongers, against their accomplices and lackeys in the different countries of Europe, in Africa and Asia.
   The advocates of an atom war, against whom this blow was directed were forced to admit that the Wroclaw Congress did not in the least resemble the usual academic congress. The keen and varied discussion showed the world that it was a congress of struggle for a united front of culture against imperialism and the warmongers, in defence of peace and culture.
   The Congress did not set a tone of pacifism or conciliation of the various ideologies of its members. True, it was attended by people who had joined the struggle for peace through may contradictory ways: from Huxley to Fadeyev, from Julien Benda to Guttuso, from Picasso to Joe Davidson, from Abbé Boulier to Rogge, from Anna Seghers to Taylor from Iwaszkiewiez to Vercors and Bedel, and so on.
   Many delegates gathered in the spacious hall of the Wroclaw Polytechnic and they all differed from each other. This difference lay not so much in their national costumes or the colour of their skins as in the contrast of their political beliefs and cultural trends: liberal, Catholic, Communist and so on. The Communist intelligentsia was widely represented—it could not have been otherwise at a congress of struggle for peace. The liberal and Catholic intelligentsia, too, made an impressive gathering. In a number of delegations, as for instance in the American and British, they constituted the overwhelming majority.
   But it was precisely this political mixture of the delegations that made the militant character of the Congress so outstanding. It would have been simple for delegates to succumb to the temptation of reaching formal unanimity, avoiding differences and making general declarations about peace and culture, which all of them could have signed readily, even those who are preparing for a new war.
   
   As a matter of fact, one of the speakers, the British delegate Olaf Stapledon, fell into this temptation. In an endeavour to formulate a common united programme of intellectuals in defence of peace, Stapledon proposed in his report an impracticable plan of reconciling the different ideologies instead of a plan for definite action against the warmongers. Had the Congress taken this path, it inevitably would have become entangled in abstract pacifist phraseology which would have been very much to the taste of the warmongers, those experts in the art of camouflage.
   It was clear from the reports of Fadeyev (Soviet Union) and Prenant (France), and later from Amado (Brazil) and Donini (Italy) when they took part in discussion, that the Congress intended primarily to define clearly who were the warmongers, the enemies of peace and culture. The cardinal task of the Congress was not to elaborate general resolutions about “inter-penetration of Western and Eastern cultures” but to show what popular and national forces were in fact opposing the forces of imperialism in the battle for peace or war.
   It was important not only to make speeches against imperialism in general but to name the imperialist circles which today, as Hitler did yesterday, brazenly declare their aim of world domination, come forward as the instigators of a new war and threaten the peace and independence of the peoples. To have concealed from the Congress this main problem of determining who are the warmongers, to have lulled it with eloquent speeches, slurring over or avoiding all sharp issues, would have meant that the Congress had attained not real results.
   In his report, Fadeyev, with great force and conviction, posed the problem of exposing the warmongers as the central issue in the discussion. Certain delegates, such as professor Taylor (Great Britain) tried to make light of the responsibility of the United States imperialists and their stooges, but the concrete proof offered by speakers from Italy, France, Latin America, Africa, Asia and even from the United States itself convincingly corroborated the indictment against the instigators of war, against Franco’s accomplices, against the executioners of the Greek people, all of whom are threatening the national culture and independence of Brazil, France, Italy and many other countries harnessed to the yoke of the dollar.
   And when Zaslavsky, replying to the diffident objections of certain American delegates, asked: “What have they done to Howard Fast in your country?” It became clear to all that the indictment against the Wall Street warmakers has been made not only by the countries of Europe, Asia, Africa but by the united States itself. This indictment comes from prison cells where people like Howard Fast were put behind bars because they upheld the traditions of freedom and the culture of their people.
   The most substantial result of the Wroclaw Congress is that this Congress, in the name of the representatives of world culture, clearly defined the enemies of peace and culture in the person of the Wall Street war instigators and their accomplices in the other capitalist countries. This was the finest contribution of the progressive intelligentsia to the struggle for peace.
   The Congress Manifesto leaves no possibility of misinterpretation. It lays bare also the responsibility of those reactionary forces in the different countries of Europe, which have become the accomplices of U.S. imperialist circles in the their policy of war and enslavement of peoples.
   However, in the struggle for a united front of the intelligentsia in defence of peace and progressive culture it is not enough merely to expose the war-makers. The progressive intelligentsia must clearly recognise that today the struggle for peace in each country takes on the concrete form of consistent defence of national culture and independence against the threat of new imperialist domination.
   The discussion, especially contributions by delegates from Latin-America, France and Italy revealed this danger in all its sharpness. Not only is the economic and political independence of a number of countries threatened: their national culture is being overwhelmed by a continuous stream of compulsory imported U.S. books, magazines, newspapers, films and so on. This enormous output of trash can in no way be called “culture”. It is diametrically opposed to culture.
   It was against this threat to national culture that the most authoritative representatives of culture from the various countries raised their voices in protest. They declared that a world culture could only be built through its own free development and mutual enrichment—not on the ruins of a suppressed national cultural.
   On this important question, the Congress discussion and manifesto defined a clear line of action for the united front of the intelligentsia in defence of peace. This line was elaborated through keen debate which was not without its dramatic episodes. Here, too, some delegates tried to divert the congress along channels of a colourless cosmopolitanism, with the aid of which certain groups servilely camouflage American imperialism’s fantastic plans for world domination.
   In the course of discussion this cosmopolitanism, which is a negation of the sovereignty and national independence of peoples, was denounced as one of the main weapons used by the ruling imperialist clique to lull the vigilance of the peoples, and to win over to their side a large section of the intelligentsia who in this way become accomplices of the imperialists in their schemes for world domination.
   The Congress counterposed to the imperialist plans for a “world government”, “super-national sovereignty” and the “negation of national sovereignty”, a concrete policy of peace and defence of the national independence, sovereignty and culture of all peoples. And once again the Soviet delegation demonstrated by its speeches, and by its multi-national composition that the free development of culture, the strengthening of national independence and sovereignty are today the best guarantee of the peaceful co-existence of nations.
   The unbreakable ties between the struggle for peace and the struggle for national independence and culture became even more evident after many speakers—among them Ehrenburg and Cesaire and the delegates from Poland and Latin-America—pointed out that there is a new content in the struggle for national independence and culture now that the working people are taking over the leadership of the struggle. Lenin wrote that every national culture has its latent elements of democratic and socialist culture, for in every nation there are working and exploited masses whose living conditions inevitably give birth to a democratic and socialist ideology.
   Since Lenin wrote this, we have seen the victory of Socialism in the Soviet Union, the beginning of a new culture in the new democracies, the workers and the mass of the people taking the decisive role in the struggle against fascism in all countries at a time when the bourgeoisie and its ideologists have betrayed the national independence in their countries. These factors have enabled the democratic and socialist principles in the national culture of all countries to develop rapidly. The Soviet Union—where flourishes cultures, national in form and socialist in content—is showing the way to peace and culture for all peoples, thus helping the struggle of the masses in different countries for their progressive culture.
   The discussion showed that the new relations between the intelligentsia and the people and the new tasks of the intelligentsia in the struggle for peace, correspond to this new content in the struggle for peace, for national independence and for culture.
   Certain delegates tried to maintain that intellectuals should remain aloof from the struggle. But the Congress expressed itself uncompromisingly in favour of a culture connected with the people and in the service of the people, for a culture which takes part with all its forces to play its part in the day-to-day struggle of the people. The delegates saw in the Soviet Union an example of the invincibility of this culture and that is why, at the congress, they realised the leading role of the Soviet people and of their culture in the struggle for peace.
   The Congress Manifesto lays down a programme of action for a united world front of intellectuals in defence of peace and culture. The exchange of views was, in itself, an important step forward in creating such a front. The decision of the Congress to set up a permanent international committee in Paris will make it possible for the national movements to keep contact with each other and exchange experiences. The Manifesto justly stresses the need for forming national committees and promoting the movement among the intelligentsia of the different countries. Only in this way will it be possible to build a broad, firm basis for the struggle for peace among intellectuals and to link up their struggle with the struggle of the mass of the people.
   The Wroclaw Congress also demonstrated that among men of culture also the forces of peace, democracy and socialism are growing, organising and coming out against the forces of war, imperialism and oppression. The ice has been broken, the path charted and the first battle in defence of peace and culture won. The progressive intelligentsia of the world will draw new strength and confidence from the inexhaustible source of the popular and national forces in their victories along the path shown by the Wroclaw Congress. In our day, when all roads lead to Communism, the Communist intellectuals have proved, and demonstrate by new deeds, that they are at their posts in the front ranks of the battle for peace.
   However, not only the members of the Plenum, but also the Party’s active functionaries, and, through them, the whole Party, realised the exceptional importance of the directives on ideological questions given by the July Plenum of the Central Committee.
   The directives of the July Plenum helped to raise the level of the Party’s activities. However, the fact remains that the decisions and directives of the July Plenum were not immediately understood by Comrade Weslaw and a certain group of comrades who, through mistaken conceptions and partly through personal sympathy for Comrade Weslaw, hampered theoretical clarification of the Plenum—the need for making the Party ideologically fit.
   
   

2. MANIFESTO WORLD PEACE CONGRESS
   
   

The following Manifesto was adopted at the final session of the World Peace Congress:
“We, representatives of the peoples who have come together from 72 countries, we women and men of different nations, beliefs and convictions, we are conscious of the danger again threatening the world—the danger of a new war.
“Four years have passed since the world tragedy and the peoples are once again involved in a ruinous armaments race. Science which should serve the happiness of mankind is compelled to serve military tasks. To this day different parts of the world are enveloped in the flames of war kindled in the main by the intervention of foreign states and the direct activities of their armed forces. Gathered at this great world congress of supporters of peace we hereby declare that we have preserved the freedom of our opinions and that the propaganda of war has not beclouded our minds.
“We know who has violated the agreement reached between the Great Powers which confirmed the possibilities of the coexistence of different social systems. We know quite well who is today violating the United Nations Charter. We also know those who regard the agreements designed to preserve peace between peoples as scraps of paper, those who reject all proposals for negotiations and disarmament, those who are arming to the teeth and who reveal themselves in the role of aggressors.
“We know that the atom bomb is not a weapon of defence.
We refuse to play into the hands of those who want to counter pose one bloc of states to another. We are against the policy of military alliances, which have proved their destructive role. We oppose colonisation which constantly gives birth to armed conflicts, conflicts which can lead to a new world war. We denounce the re-arming of Western Germany and Japan where all the hangmen of the world have again acquired arms. The deliberate organised disruption of economic relations between groups of countries already bears the character of a military blockade. The instigators of the “cold war” have passed from simply threatening war to its open preparation.
“The World Peace Congress registered the fact that the peoples have ceased to be passive and intend to take an active and constructive part in the common cause. These peoples, represented at the World Peace Congress declare:
“We supporters of the United Nations Charter are opposed to all military alliances which are a negation of this Charter and lead to war. We are opposed to the unheard of military expenditure which falls heavily on the peoples and reduces them to poverty. We insist that the atomic weapon and all other means of mass destruction of human life be outlawed.
“We insist on a reduction in armaments of the Great Powers and on the establishment of effective international control with the aim of utilising atomic energy exclusively for peaceful purposes and the wellbeing of mankind.
“We are fighting for national independence and peaceful cooperation between the peoples, for the right of nations to self-determination which constitutes the main condition for freedom and peace. We oppose all measures directed toward restricting and eventually liquidating democratic liberties, measures aimed at clearing the way for a new aggression.
“We shall present a united front in defence of truth and reason in order that the propaganda of war, which poisons the public mind, shall be rendered completely harmless. We denounce war hysteria, racial hatred and enmity between the peoples. We welcome the stand of resolutely condemning and boycotting those press organs, books and films, and also individuals and organisations conducting propaganda of incitement to a new war.
“We are for close cooperation between the peoples of the world, and, as one, direct all our efforts in defence of peace. In our determination to remain vigilant we are setting up a committee of the World Peace Congress. We are confident that all those who are striving towards a new war will at every stage in their plotting find themselves confronted with the powerful forces of the masses of the people who are capable of ensuring peace.
“The women, the mothers who bring hope to the world should know that we consider it our sacred duty to defend the lives of their children and the security of their homes. Let the youth hear us and rally together, irrespective of their political and religious views in order to insulate their bright future against mass murder.
“The World Peace Congress declares that the defence of peace is the concern of all peoples of the world. On behalf of the public organisations, uniting 600 million men and women represented at the Congress, we address ourselves to the peoples of the earth and say:
“Daring, and still more daring in the struggle for peace.
“We were able to come together. We were able to understand each other. And we express our readiness and our will to win this battle for peace, the battle of life.”

3. WORLD PEACE CONGRESS
   
   

The World Peace Congress closed in Paris on April 25, crowning its work with the formation of a united front of the peoples of the world which will combat the warmongers, the adoption of a Manifesto and the establishment of the Permanent Committee of the Congress.
More than 2,000 delegates, from 72 countries and representing 600 million people had come to take part in the work of this unique international forum. Neither the French Government’s arbitrary restriction of visas to delegates from several countries, nor the terror let loose against the fighters for peace by a number of other governments could prevent the Congress from being held and working successfully. Delegates who were unable to get to Paris met In Prague where they discussed the same questions that were on the agenda of the Paris Congress. The Paris and Prague sessions were held simultaneously. The delegates meeting in Prague retained their mandates to the Paris Congress. During five days of intense work, the people’s envoys laid the firm foundation for a united struggle against the warmongers. They vividly demonstrated that the world peace forces are legion; they voiced the will and determination of the peoples to bar the way to the atom-clutching monster that is threatening mankind with its evil talons and prevent it from destroying civilisation.
It was not fortuitous that the warmongers press, planning at first to keep silent about the Congress, later set up a hysterical howl In an attempt to mislead readers, confuse them and turn them away from the supporters of peace.
The signal for this campaign was given by the notorious Un-American Committee in Washington which issued a special pamphlet declaring that the World Peace Congress had been organised by the Cominform! At the same time they produced another well-known card from the same pack. The mixed selection of lackeys in the camp of the cosmopolitans—headed by Sartre, the French hireling of the U.S. reactionaries, and the American Garry Davis who is throwing dust into the eyes of people by talking rubbish about “world Government”—were given orders to try and disrupt the peace movement. But these manoeuvres were in vain. “Truth travels without visas”, said the outstanding French scientist, Joliot-Curie, opening the Congress. The slanders of the reactionary press editorial boards cannot prevent the peoples from learning the truth about the Congress.
If we relate the facts concerning the aggressive policy of the warmongers with the setting up of military bases, Joliot-Curie continued, if we take into account the location of these bases, and if we analyse the recently signed military pacts—in particular the Brussels, pact and the Atlantic Pact—it will be easy to appreciate that the war in which they want to involve us in the guise of “defence of peace”, is nothing but an anti-Soviet war, a war which the hypocritical forces of social regression have been waging ever since 1917.
Confronted with this ever growing danger of war, it is high time to accelerate the unification and coordination of the activities of all the forces of peace and progress. We must begin a powerful peace offensive against all the forces of war.
Speakers of different political convictions and representing varied social groups, stressed that American imperialism was preparing aggression, criminal war, enslavement of peoples, lowering the living standards of the working people and, in fact, was abolishing their democratic rights.
War is not yet at the threshold, said Alexander Fadayev, the Soviet writer, but it has become a real threat for the morrow. In a number of countries in Western Europe and America, contrary to the strivings of the peoples, an armaments race is in progress. Facts and figures confirming this race have appeared in newspapers and publications in all countries of the world. But even without these publications people in the capitalist countries are made aware of the armaments race by increased taxation and the increased cost of living.
The imperialists preach the ideology of misanthropy. No one—be he American or Russian—can afford to ignore, for instance, the statement of Eugene O’Neil that it is time for the human race to vanish from the scene and give the ant the chance of inhabiting the world, or the declaration of Henry Miller that he hopes and is firmly convinced that civilisation will be destroyed within a century. It is clear, said Fadayev, that propagation of these ideas today is the continuation of misanthropic racial theories which, giving rein to man’s baser instincts, are needed by selfish people in order to involve mankind in war.
Eugenie Cotton speaking on behalf of the 80 million members of the World Federation of Democratic Women; Lombardo Toledano for the working people of Latin-America; the Hungarian Calvinist Bishop Bereczky; Professor Dubois and Paul Robeson representing the Negro people; the Rumanian writer Sadoveanu; the scientist Mukarzhovsky; L. G. Kosmodemyanskaya, mother of two Heroes of the Soviet Union killed during the war; Ta Ti Lhen from Viet Nam; the prominent Bulgarian public figure, Tsola Dragoicheva and many others voiced the will of millions when they urged that all supporters of peace must unite in order to frustrate the crafty schemes of the Churchill’s.
Nenni of the Italian delegation stressed that the World Peace Congress was not a gathering of pacifists. Unity of the peoples, said Nenni, was the best weapon in the struggle for peace. Unity is necessary in order to render null and void the obligations the governments have assumed in signing the Atlantic Pact, and to reduce this Pact to a scrap of paper.
We shall be doing our duty if we stretch out a fraternal hand to those who, at all costs, want to prevent the outbreak of a new war.
The meetings in Paris and Prague reflected the unity of all delegates. Both in the Pleyel Hall in Paris and in the chamber of the National Assembly in Prague, dozens of delegations from organisations of the working people, of women, youth, and intellectuals came to voice the will of the people. Most impressive was the meeting and demonstrations held at the Buffalo Stadium on Sunday, April 24. Never before had Paris witnessed such a powerful demonstration. For several days “peace caravans” had been arriving from the provinces and from abroad. Nearly 500,000 people gathered at the Stadium and in the adjoining streets. The speeches calling for unity were met with wholehearted approval. The meeting was followed by a demonstration. All nations were represented in this grand parade.
This monster demonstration served as a formidable warning to the warmongers.

For a Lasting Peace, For a People’s Democracy
No 9(36) SUNDAY, MAY 1, 1949

4. ATOMS AND BLOCS.
   D. Zaslavsky
   
   

The international front of honest labour against the international front of ill-gotten profits; the international front of peace against the predatory conspiracy of the warmongers; the plain folk of the world against the cosmopolitans of the stock exchange, in a word, the working class of all lands against the line-up of capitalists—such is the picture this planet of ours presents on the eve of May Day, 1949. Who is the stronger?
The United States and Britain, with the string of associates hanging on to their tails having signed the North-Atlantic Pact, countersigned their mutual obligations and said: see, how strong we are!
And yet the capitalists of the United States turn pale at the very mention of the Communist Party of their country; they want to drive it underground, naively assuming that in this way they will put an end to Communism.
The capitalists of Britain instruct their trusted men, Attlee and Bevin to ban the London May Day demonstration. The last of the Russian tsars, who likewise stood in mortal fear of the workers did exactly the same thing a little over thirty years ago. The capitalists all over the world fear the workers in the same way that the Russian tsar feared them. But the workers of all lands are not the least bit afraid of the capitalists. The war dance performed by the twelve Ministers in the White House at the signing of the North Atlantic Pact did not make the slightest impression. The bloc fetishism has replaced the fetishism of the atom bomb.
The atom bomb is, of course, a formidable weapon, but it is no longer a fetish. The blind faith in the bomb has given way to an equally blind faith in the bloc. The one complements the other.
It isn’t so very long ago since the more frightened capitalists were not in need of an anti-Communist bloc. Instead, they worshipped at the shrine of the atom bomb. Like all savages they invested the atom with all the attributes of the supernatural:
omnipotence, omniscience, omnipresence. This meant boundless faith in the United States, and in its rulers who had only to drop the atom bomb and do, the capitalist order would continue undisturbed. The capitalists of the U.S. likewise had confidence in themselves, believing in their weapon. They needed no assistance—were they not helping the capitalists of the other countries?
But this phase of history has passed. Faith in the atom bomb has been shaken. Silent are the strategists who asserted that henceforth all other weapons are obsolete, that there is no longer any need for artillery and infantry, for soldiers who are so unreliable in wars started by the capitalists.
But if there is no omnipotent atom bomb it follows that there is no longer an all-powerful U.S. True, the European capitalists need U.S. dollars, but then the U.S. capitalists need allies. American capital is every bit as dependent on Western Europe as the bankrupt capitalists of Western Europe are on Wall Street. Less than ever before is there any truth in the claims of the American millionaires that they are “saving” Europe. If anything they are saving themselves from economic crisis and political ruin.
The atom bomb has not justified the expectations of its worshippers. Since it is not all-powerful it follows that infantry, cavalry and artillery are needed. Human beings, people, are needed to be reduced to decomposing flesh by war. In other words Western Europe is needed.
The temple of the sacred atom is being abandoned. The craven capitalists, consoling and encouraging each other, are now performing in the temple of the anti-Soviet bloc. This is the new fetish in honour of which solemn rites are being performed. The signing of the Pact was such a rite. High priest Truman, with arms upraised invoked both divine and atomic blessing for the new anti-Communist, anti-Soviet deal. Dean Acheson chanted the glory of aggression. On bended knees, genuflecting before the writing table, the bloc worshippers rested their hands on the new table of commandments. The shade of Hitler hovered over the dome, Churchill sang the “Hosanna”.
The written language of the world has been enriched with 12 signatures: power, might, greatness!
This was the pomp of the Middle Ages in the middle of the 20th century. This was diplomatic cretinism which, in its obtuseness surpasses parliamentary cretinism. Parliamentary cretinism denies the real political force—the people, and bows to an imagined greatness—the oratory of the deputies.
Diplomatic cretinism is sometimes expressed in worship for a Ministerial signature while completely ignoring the real force—the people.
The signature affixed to a document may mean much or it may mean nothing. This is well known to every banker, provided he is not a dabbler in politics. The signature on a cheque has meaning provided there is a deposit in the bank. If there is no deposit, no account, the signature is useless.
The 12 noughts which adorn the North-Atlantic Pact may, perhaps, be of some worth to autograph hunters. But there are no people on the current accounts of the signatories.
The capitalists have pledged themselves to fight against the Soviet Union. But the peoples of the world have not taken and never will take such a pledge.
The forward-looking workers in all the capitalist countries have declared that they will not fight against the first Socialist State in the world. In making this declaration the workers expressed the sentiments of the plain people everywhere. And the words of these workers, Communists and people of no party affiliation are infinitely stronger than the signatures on the worthless agreement signed in Washington.
There are such, things as dud bills and worthless agreements with which timid people can be blackmailed. But they lack substance. Behind them lies bankruptcy: financial, in relation to bills and political, in relation to agreements.
People do not always realise what they are signing. Take, for example, that worthless document, signed by the four statesmen who imagined themselves to be the greatest on earth. I have in mind Munich. The first to append his signature was the “greatest” of all, Adolf Hitler. Then came Chamberlain, each letter laboriously written out. Mussolini followed, his signature written with a flourish, and last of all came the scraggy hand of Daladier. These gentlemen signed the death sentence on Czechoslovakia and the destruction of the Soviet Union. Munich was an anti-Communist and anti-Soviet agreement.
Little did Hitler realise at the time that he was signing his own death warrant, that seven years later he would, be taking poison to escape the hangman’s noose.
Mussolini never knew that he was signing his death sentence and that seven years later he would be hanged, head downward. Nor was Chamberlain conscious that he was signing his inglorious resignation and that one year later he would be regarded as the most contemptible creature in Britain. Daladier failed to realise that he was patenting his right to the richly deserved title of French Judas and that only a year later he would be held in execration by his people.
Czechoslovakia, sentenced to death at Munich, is very much alive, and her independence and progress are driving the capitalists of the U.S. and Britain frantic with fury.
The Soviet Union, sentenced to destruction at Munich, smashed Hitler Germany and has frustrated all the scheming of international capital to secure unrestricted control over the working class.
Messrs, Bevin, Schuman, Sforza and the others have solemnly pledged: on the appointed day to place thousands and millions of people at the disposal of the U.S. capitalists. Where are your “current accounts”, gentlemen speculators? Where are the people in whose name you have pledged yourselves?
This capitalist fanfare is but heightening the vigilance of the people. The Day May demonstrations of the working people everywhere will be held under the slogan of denouncing the warmongers. Nobody will succeed in taking mankind unawares. The criminals of a third world war are known by name. Have they not inscribed their names on the document that incriminates them?
To this criminal agreement of’ the 12 governments the peoples of the world are counterposing their solidarity in the struggle against capitalist plunder. Real strength is on the side, of the working class, on the side of the plain people.

5. IN THE NAME OF PEACE AND THE SECURITY OF NATIONS
   
   May 14, 1955, the day eight European stares signed a Treaty of Friendship, Co-operation and Mutual Assistance, will go down in world history as one of the brightest and most noteworthy dates in the struggle of the peace-loving forces to avert another war.
   In an atmosphere of complete unanimity—the expression of the sincere friendship and co-operation of fraternal peoples—the participants in the Warsaw Conference discussed the changes that have taken place in the international situation and adopted truly history-making decisions. These decisions indicate that, in face of the increased war danger resulting from the ratification of the Paris agreements, the peoples of the socialist camp have closed their ranks still more firmly by uniting their efforts in defence of peace and adopting concerted measures to strengthen the defence capacity of their countries and safeguard the integrity of their frontiers. This· signifies an important contribution to the strengthening of peace the world of and to the consolidation of security for the countries of Europe.
   The decisions of the Warsaw Conference are already having and will continue to have an immense impact upon international developments. They demonstrate with fresh force the might of the socialist camp, its solidarity and monolithic unity, is ability to defend its peaceful labour and give a crushing rebuff to any aggressor. They offer one more proof of the tremendous advantages of the new relations that have arisen among the countries of the socialist camp, relations founded upon community of aims and interests, upon the principles of equality, respect for state sovereignty and non-interference in domestic affairs.
   The noteworthy fact that these decisions have also met with the strong, decisive support of the great Chinese people gives them particular force and significance. The representative of the Chinese People’s Republic, General Peng Teh-huai, Vice-Premier of the State Council of the Chinese People’s Republic and Minister of Defence, who took part in the Conference as an observer, declared: “If peace in Europe is violated, if the imperialist aggressors unleash a war against the peaceful European countries, then our Government and our heroic 600 million-strong people will fight against aggression jointly with the governments and peoples of our fraternal countries until final victory.”
   The Treaty of the eight states— a treaty of peace and friendship—is a worthy reply by the peace-loving countries to the schemes of the international forces of reaction. With the ratification of the Paris military agreements the ominous spectre of German militarism has reappeared in Europe. By becoming a member of the aggressive North Atlantic bloc and the West European Union, Western Germany with her revanchist Wehrmacht now being revived is coming to be the chief focal point of the war danger in Europe. In these circumstances the fact that the peace-loving states are taking the necessary measures to safeguard their security and maintain peace in Europe is of tremendous international significance.
   There now stand revealed to the world, in the most graphic manner, two types of international agreements characterising two opposite lines of foreign policy. The line of the world reactionary forces has found expression in the North Atlantic bloc, which represents a closed, aggressive military alignment directed against the Soviet Union and the People’s Democracies. In contrast, the Treaty of the eight states and the organisation being set up on its basis, which give embodiment to the genuinely peaceful line of foreign policy followed by the countries of the socialist camp, are open to accession by other countries, irrespective of their social and state system. Unlike the alliances formed by the Western powers, which are of a distinctly aggressive character, the Treaty concluded in Warsaw is a genuinely defensive one.
   The countries of the socialist camp threaten no one and have no intention of attacking anyone. Their foreign policy is guided by the unshakable Leninist principle of the peaceful coexistence of states with different political systems. The participants in the Warsaw Conference reaffirmed their determination to continue their efforts to establish a general European system of collective security. In remilitarising Western Germany and including her in their aggressive military alignments the Western powers wholly ignore both the security of the peoples of Europe and the national interests of the German people, their inalienable right to unite in a single democratic state. They are dooming Western Germany to long years of occupation and converting it into a springboard for war. Contrary to this, the Treaty of the eight states, the purpose of which is to safeguard peace and security in Europe, is of invaluable assistance to the German people in their effort to achieve their national aspirations since it fully corresponds to the task of an early unification of Germany on a peaceful and democratic footing.
   The Treaty of the eight European countries provides an exceptionally powerful demonstration of the peaceful policy of the countries of the socialist camp, headed by the great Soviet power. That firm, consistent policy finds numerous confirmations. While the Warsaw Conference was in session new proposals by the Soviet Union for reducing armaments, banning atomic weapons and eliminating the danger of another war were published. Their purpose is to rid mankind of the danger of war, ease international tensions and to relieve the peoples of the heavy burden imposed upon them by the continued arms drive. The new Soviet proposals, which are a tremendous contribution to the cause of peace, accord with the vital interests of the peoples and have the ardent approval of all peace-loving people the word over.
   An important event in the history of international relations and in the history of the Austrian people was the signing on May 15 of a State Treaty on the re-establishment of an independent and democratic Austria. It would be hard to overestimate the historic significance of the fact that in accordance with this Treaty the Austrian Republic becomes a neutral country which will pursue an independent policy, will not join any blocs or allow military bases to be set up on its territory. The fact that henceforth then will be a neutral Austria alongside Switzerland in the centre of Europe opens up a new page in relations among European states.
   The settlement of the Austrian question, reached on the initiative of the Soviet Union, is another notable success for its peace-loving policy.
   These are irrefutable facts and the tangible results of the consistent policy of peace pursued by the Soviet Union and the People’s Democracies. They are facts that cannot be denied for they are there for everyone to see. What can the reactionary groups in the U.S.A. and the Western countries which follow in the wake of the U.S.A. show compared with this? Is it not they who me reviving German militarism with the result that, within ten years after the second world war, Western Germany is becoming a breeding ground of revanchism and a renewed danger of war? Is it not they who are expanding their network of war bases directed against the Soviet Union and the People’s Democracies, continuing their provocations against the People’s Republic of China, setting up more and more aggressive military alignments and aggravating tension in South-East Asia? All these are openly aggressive activities aimed at provoking military conflicts, increasing international tension and preparing another world war of extermination.
   The successes registered by the Soviet Union and all countries of the socialist camp in promoting peace and the security of the peoples, in the struggle to avert another war, represent a great gain for the peace-loving forces of the whole world. These successes are a source of rejoicing and encouragement to all peace supporters; they inspire them to redouble their efforts to achieve lasting peace.
   The Communist and Workers’ Parties, all progressive and peace-loving forces see it as their task to widely popularise the historic decisions. of the Warsaw Conference and the firm and consistent, peace policy of the Soviet Union which has found vivid reflection in recent international developments. They are resolutely and mercilessly exposing the intrigues of the imperialist groups and their hypocritical, lying phrases about “peace” which are a camouflage for their preparations for another aggressive war.
   The peace-loving people in all countries are multiplying their efforts and extending their struggle against the resurrection of German militarism, for the banning of atomic and hydrogen weapons, for peace and the security of the peoples.
   
   

6. FINAL COMMUNIQUE OF WARSAW CONFERENCE OF EUROPEAN STATES ON SAFEGUARDING PEACE AND SECURITY IN EUROPE
   
   

In Warsaw, from May 11 to 14, 1955, there was held the Second Conference of European States on Safeguarding Peace and Security in Europe—comprising the People’s Republic of Albania, the People’s Republic of Bulgaria, the Hungarian People’s Republic, the German Democratic Republic, the People’s Republic of Poland, the Rumanian People’s Republic, the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics and the Czechoslovak Republic.
Participating in the Warsaw Conference were the following representatives of the above-mentioned states:
People’s Republic of Albania—Mehmet Shehu, Chairman of the Council of Ministers of the People’s Republic of Albania and head of the delegation; Lieutenant-General Bequir Balluku, First Deputy Chairman of the Council of Ministers and the Minister of National Defence for the People’s Republic of Albania; Behar Shtylla, Minister of Foreign Affairs for the People’s Republic of Albania;
People’s Republic of Bulgaria—Vylko Tchervenkov, Chairman of the Council of Ministers of the People’s Republic of Bulgaria and head of the delegation General Pyotr Panchcvski, Minister of Defence for the People’s Republic of Bulgaria; Mincho Neichev, Minister of Foreign Affairs for the People’s Republic of Bulgaria;
Hungarian People’s Republic—Andras Hegedüs, Chairman of the Council of Ministers of the Hungarian People’s Republic and head of the delegation; Colonel-General Istvan Bata, Minister of National Defence for the Hungarian People’s Republic; Janos Boldoczki, Minister of Foreign Affairs for the Hungarian People’s Republic; Endre Sik, First Deputy Minister of Foreign Affairs for the Hungarian People’s Republic; Lajos Drahos, Ambassador Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary from the Hungarian People’s Republic to the People’s Republic of Poland;
German Democratic Republic—Otto Grotewohl, Prime Minister of the German Democratic Republic and head of the delegation; Walter Ulbricht, Deputy Prime Minister of the German Democratic Republic; Willy Stoph, Deputy Prime Minister of the German Democratic Republic and Minister of Internal Affairs; Dr. Lothar Bolz, Deputy Prime Minister and Minister oi Foreign Affairs for the German Democratic Republic; Otto Nuschke, Deputy Prime Minister of the German Democratic Republic; Gr. Hans Loch, Deputy Prime Minister of the German Democratic Republic; Hans Reichelt, Minister of Agriculture and Forestry for the German Democratic Republic; Lieutenant-General Heinz Hoffmann, Deputy Minister of Internal Affairs for the German Democratic Republic; Stefan Heymann, Ambassador Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary from the German Democratic Republic to the People’s Republic of Poland;
People’s Republic of Poland—Jozef Cyrankiewicz, Chairman of the Council of Ministers of the People’s Republic of Poland and head of the delegation; Marshal of Poland Konstanty Rokossowski, Deputy Chairman of the Council of Ministers and Minister of National Defence for the People’s Republic of Poland; Stanislaw Skrzeszewski, Minister oi Foreign Affairs for the People’s Republic of Poland;
Marian Naszkowski, Deputy Minister of Foreign Affairs for the People’s Republic of Poland;
Rumanian People’s Republic—Gheorghe Gheorghiu-Dej, Chairman of the Council of Ministers of the Rumanian People’s Republic and head of the delegation; General Emil Bodnăraş, Deputy Chairman of the Council of Ministers and Minister of the Armed Forces of the Rumanian People’s Republic; Simion Bughici, Minister of Foreign Affairs far the Rumanian People’s Republic;
Lieutenant-General Ion Tutoveanu, Chief of the General Staff of the Armed Forces of the Rumanian People’s Republic; Grigore Preoteasa, First Deputy Minister of Foreign Affairs for the Rumanian People’s Republic; Marin Florea Ionescu, Ambassador Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary from the Rumanian People’s Republic to the People’s Republic of Poland;
Union of Soviet Socialist Republics—N. A. Bulganin, Chairman of the Council of Ministers of the USSR and head of the delegation; V. M. Molotov, First Deputy Chairman of the Council of Ministers and Minister of Foreign Affairs for the USSR; Marshal of the Soviet Union G. K. Zhukov, Minister of Defence for the USSR; Marshal of the Soviet Union I. S. Konev; A. M. Puzanov, Chairman of the Council of Ministers of the RSFSR; N. T. Kalchenko, Chairman of the Council of Ministers oi the Ukrainian SSR; K. T. Mazurov, Chairman of the Council of Ministers of the Byelorussian SSR; V. T. Lacis, Chairman oi the Council of Ministers of the Latvian SSR; M. A. Gedwilas, Chairman of the Council of Ministers of the Lithuanian SSR; A. A. Mürisep, Chairman of the Council of Ministers of the Estonian SSR; V. A. Zorin, Deputy Minister of Foreign Affairs for the USSR; P. K. Ponomarenko, Ambassador Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary from the USSR to the People’s Republic: of Poland;
Czechoslovak Republic—Vilem Siroky, Prime Minister or the Czechoslovak Republic and head of the delegation; General Alexej Cepicka, First Deputy Prime Minister and Minister of National Defence for the Czechoslovak Republic; Vaclav David, Minister or Foreign Affairs for the Czechoslovak Republic.
The Conference was also attended by a representative of the People’s Republic of China, in the capacity of an observer, Peng Teh-huai, Vice-Premier of the State Council and Minister of Defence for the People’s Republic of China.
The participants in the Warsaw Conference discussed in detail the changes that have taken place in the international situation as a consequence of the ratification of the Paris military agreements, and concluded that ratification of the Paris agreements, which provide for the setting up of a new military grouping in the form of the West European Union with the participation of Western Germany, now being remilitarised, and with its integration in the North Atlantic bloc, increases the danger of another war and creates a threat to the national security of peace-loving states.
The countries participating in the Conference have decided to take the necessary measures for the safeguarding of their security and in the interests of preserving peace in Europe.
With this end in view the states participating in the Warsaw Conference have signed a Treaty of Friendship, Co-operation and Mutual Assistance between the People’s Republic of Albania, the People’s Republic of Bulgaria, the Hungarian People’s Republic, the German Democratic Republic, the People’s Republic of Poland, the Rumanian People’s Republic, the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics and the Czechoslovak Republic.
The Conference has adopted a decision on setting up a Unified Command of the Armed Forces of the states which are signatories lo the Treaty.
The Conference was carried through with complete unanimity, expressive of the cordial friendship and co-operation existing between the fraternal peoples of the camp of peace, democracy and Socialism.

7. THE SIGNING OF THE TREATY OF FRIENDSHIP, CO-OPERATION AND MUTUAL ASSISTANCE
   
   

The Treaty of Friendship, Co-operation and Mutual Assistance between the People’s Republic of Albania, the People’s Republic of Bulgaria, the Hungarian People’s Republic, the German Democratic Republic, the Polish People’s Republic, the Rumanian People’s Republic, the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics and the Czechoslovak Republic was signed in the building of the Council of State of the Polish People’s Republic at 10 a. m. on May 14, 1955.
The Treaty was signed by:
M. Shehu, on behalf of the Presidium of the People’s Assembly of the People’s Republic of Albania;
V. Tchervenkov, on behalf of the Presidium of the People’s Assembly of the People’s Republic of Bulgaria;
A. Hegedüs, on behalf of the Presidium of the Hungarian People’s Republic;
O. Grotewohl, on behalf of the President of the German Democratic Republic;
J. Cyrankiewicz, on behalf of the Council of State of the Polish People’s Republic;
Gh. Gheorghiu-Dej, on behalf of the Presidium of the Grand National Assembly of the Rumanian People’s Republic;
N. Bulganin, on behalf of the Presidium of the Supreme Soviet of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics;
V. Siroky, on behalf of the President of the Czechoslovak Republic.
During the ceremony O. Grotewohl, head of the delegation of the German Democratic Republic, made the following, declaration on behalf of the Government of the German Democratic Republic:
“Taking into account the purpose of the Treaty—to ensure peace and security in Europe—the Government of the German Democratic Republic sees in it a great encouragement for the German people in their striving for a peaceful and democratic reunification of Germany. The German Democratic Republic still regards Germany’s unification along peaceful and democratic lines as its main task and as the task of the whole of the German people, and will do its utmost to promote an early unification of Germany. In signing this Treaty of Friendship, Co-operation and Mutual Assistance the Government of the German Democratic Republic proceeds from the premise that a unified Germany would be free of the obligations assumed by one or the other part of Germany under the military-political treaties and agreements concluded before its unification.”
The Conference received with full understanding and took note of the aforesaid.. declaration of the Government of the German Democratic Republic.
Peng Teh-huai, Vice-Premier or the State Council and Minister of Defence for the People’s Republic of China, made the following statement on behalf of the Government of the People’s Republic of China:
“Dear comrades,
After 3 days of strenuous work the Warsaw Conference of European States on Safeguarding Peace and Security in Europe has reached successes of historic significance. Together with all the peace-loving peoples of the world the people of China warmly congratulate the Conference on its outstanding successes.
The results of the Warsaw Conference have once again demonstrated the firm resolution of its participants to uphold peace and security in Europe; they have also demonstrated the unity and the strength of the camp of peace, democracy and Socialism headed by the Soviet Union. This resolution and this strength are such that they cannot be ignored.
The right way to protect peace and security indicated by the Conference is fully in keeping with the interests and aspirations of all the peoples of the world.
The Government of the People’s Republic of China considers that the decisions taken at the Warsaw Conference ate a big contribution to the cause of peace for they not only represent an exceedingly important measure toward safeguarding peace and security in Europe but will also have a great bearing on peace and security in Asia.
I declare on behalf of the Government of the People’s Republic of China that the Government and the 600 million people ‘of China are in full solidarity with and support the newly signed Treaty of Friendship, Co-operation and Mutual Assistance between. the People’s Republic of Albania, the People’s Republic of Bulgaria, the Hungarian People’s Republic, the German Democratic Republic, the Polish People’s Republic, the Rumanian People’s Republic, the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics and the Czechoslovak Republic. We are convinced that the successes of the present Conference will promote the further unity of the peace-loving countries and peoples and will make a substantial contribution to strengthening peace and security both in Europe and throughout the world.”
The Conference received with satisfaction the statement made by the representative of the People’s Republic of China.
In conclusion, Jozef Cyrankiewicz, Chairman of the Council of Ministers of the Polish People’s Republic, made a statement on behalf of the Government of the Polish People’s Republic.
The signing of the Treaty was attended by all the members of the delegations of the countries participating in the Conference and the representative of the People’s Republic of China.
Also present were Boleslaw Bierut, First Secretary of the Central Committee of the Polish United Workers’ Party, Aleksander Zawadski, Chairman of the Council of State of the Polish People’s Republic, members of the Political Bureau of the Central Committee of the Polish United Workers’ Party and members of the Government of the Polish People’s Republic.
The text of the Treaty and the statement on the setting up of a Unified Command of the Armed Forces of the countries signatory to the Treaty are set out below.

8. TREATY OF FRIENDSHIP, CO-OPERATION AND MUTUAL ASSISTANCE between the People’s Republic of Albania, the People’s Republic of Bulgaria, the Hungarian People’s Republic, the German Democratic Republic, the Polish People’s Republic, the Rumanian People’s Republic, the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics and the Czechoslovak Republic
   
   

The Contracting Parties,
reaffirming their desire to establish a system of collective security in Europe based on participation of all European states, irrespective of their social and state systems, which would make it possible to pool their efforts for ensuring peace in Europe,
taking into account at the same time the situation that has arisen in Europe as a result of the ratification of the Paris agreements which envisage the formation of a new military alignment “in the form of the “West European Union” with the participation of Western Germany, now being remilitarised, and its integration in the North Atlantic bloc, which increases the danger of another war and creates a threat to the national security of the peace-loving states,
convinced that in these conditions the peace-loving states of Europe must take-the necessary measures to safeguard their security and maintain peace in Europe,
guided by the purposes and principles of the United Nations Charter,
in the interests of the further consolidation and promotion of friendship, co-operation and mutual assistance in conformity with the principles of respect for the independence and sovereignty of states and non-interference in their domestic affairs,
have decided to conclude the present Treaty of Friendship, Co-operation and Mutual Assistance and have appointed their plenipotentiaries:
the Presidium of the People’s Assembly of the People’s Republic of Albania—Mehmet Shehu, Chairman of the Council of Ministers of the People’s Republic of Albania,
the Presidium of the People’s Assembly of the People’s Republic of Bulgaria—Vylko Tchervenkov, Chairman of the Council of Ministers of the People’s Republic of Bulgaria,
the Presidium of the Hungarian People’s Republic—Andras Hegedüs, Chairman of the Council of Ministers of the Hungarian People’s Republic,
the President of the German Democratic Republic—Otto Grotewohl, Prime Minister of the German Democratic Republic,
the Council of State of the Polish People’s Republic—Jozef Cyrankiewicz, Chairman of the Council of Ministers of the Polish People’s Republic,
the Presidium of the Grand National Assembly of the Rumanian People’s Republic —Gheorghe Gheorghiu-Dej, Chairman of the Council of Ministers of the Rumanian People’s Republic,
the Presidium of the Supreme Soviet of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics—Nikolai Alexandrovich Bulganin, Chairman of the Council of Ministers of the USSR,
the President of the Czechoslovak Republic—Vilem Siroky, Prime Minister of the Czechoslovak Republic,
who, having communicated their full powers, found to be in good and due form, have agreed as follows:

Article 1

The Contracting Parties undertake, in conformity with the United Nations Charter, to refrain in their international relations from the threat or use of force and to resolve their international disputes by peaceful means in such a manner as not to endanger international peace and security.

Article 2

The Contracting Parties declare their readiness to participate in a spirit of sincere co-operation in all international actions which have as their aim the safeguarding of international peace and security, and shall wholly dedicate their efforts to the attainment of these aims.
The Contracting Parties shall strive for the adoption, through agreement with other states that may desire to co-operate in this matter, of effective measures for a general reduction of armaments and the prohibition of atomic, hydrogen and other weapons of mass destruction.

Article 3

The Contracting Parties shall consult together on all important International questions affecting their common interests, being guided by the interests of strengthening international peace and security. Whenever, in the opinion of any one of them, there arises a threat of armed attack upon one or several of the states signatory to the Treaty, they shall consult one another, without delay, in the interests of ensuring joint defence and maintaining peace and security.

Article 4

In the event of armed attack in Europe on one or several states signatory to the Treaty by any state or group of states, each state signatory to the Treaty shall, in the course of exercising the right of individual or collective self-defence, in conformity with Article 51 of the United Nations Charter, render the state or states so attacked immediate aid, individually and in agreement with other states signatory to the Treaty, by all the means which it shall deem necessary, including the use of armed force. The states signatory to the Treaty shall immediately consult one another regarding the joint measures which must be taken to restore and maintain international peace and security.
In conformity with the provisions of the United Nations Charter, the Security Council shall be informed of the measures taken on the strength of the present Article. These measures shall be terminated as soon as the Security Council takes the necessary measures for restoring and maintaining international peace and security.

Article 5

The Contracting Parties have agreed to set up a Unified Command of their Armed Forces which, by agreement between the Parties, shall be assigned to this Command which will function on the basis of jointly elaborated principles. They shall also take other co-ordinated measures necessary to strengthen their defence capacity in order to protect the peaceful labour of their peoples, guarantee the inviolability of their frontiers and territories and ensure defence against possible aggression.

Article 6

A Political Consultative Committee, in which each state signatory to the Treaty will be represented by a member of the Government or other specially appointed representative, is set up to effect the consultations envisaged in the present Treaty between the states signatory to the Treaty and to examine questions arising in connection with the implementation of the present Treaty.
The Committee may set up such auxiliary agencies as may be necessary.

Article 7

The Contracting Parties undertake not to join any coalition or alliance and not to conclude any agreement, the aims of which nm counter to the aims of the present Treaty.
The Contracting Parties declare that their obligations under existing international treaties do not conflict with the provisions of the present Treaty.

Article 8

The Contracting Parties declare that they will act in a spirit of friendship and co-operation with the aim of further developing and consolidating the economic and cultural relations between them, adhering to the principles of mutual respect for each other’s independence and sovereignty and non-interference in one another’s domestic affairs.

Article 9

The present Treaty is open to accession on the part of other states, irrespective of their social and state systems, which express their readiness, through participation in the present Treaty, to promote the pooling of the efforts of peace-loving states in order to safeguard peace and the security of nations. Such accession shall enter into force with the assent of the states signatory to the Treaty upon the deposit of the instrument of accession with the Government of the Polish People’s Republic.

Article 10

The present Treaty is subject to ratification and the instruments of ratification shall be deposited with the Government of the Polish People’s Republic. The Treaty shall enter into force on the day the last ratification instrument is deposited. The Government of the Polish Peoples Republic shall inform the other states signatory to the Treaty concerning the deposit of each ratification instrument.

Article 11

The present Treaty shall remain in force for twenty years. For the Contracting Parties which one year prior to the expiration of this form have not submitted statements denouncing the Treaty to the Government of the Polish People’s Republic, it shall remain in force for the next ten years.
In the event that a system of collective security is established in Europe and a General European Treaty of Collective Security is concluded to this end, for which the Contracting Parties will steadfastly strive, the present Treaty shall lose its validity on the day the General European Treaty enters into force.
Executed In Warsaw on May 14, 1955, in one copy each in the Russian, Polish, Czech and German languages, all the texts being equally authentic. Certified copies of the present Treaty shell be sent by the Government of the Polish People’s Republic lo all the other signatories to the Treaty.
In witness whereof the plenipotentiaries have signed the present Treaty and affixed thereto their seals

9. ON SETTING UP A UNIFIED COMMAND
   of the Armed Forces of the States Signatory to
   the Treaty of Friendship, Co-operation and Mutual Assistance
   
   

In accordance with the Treaty of Friendship, Co-operation and Mutual Assistance between the People’s Republic of Albania, the People’s Republic of Bulgaria, the Hungarian People’s Republic, the German Democratic Republic, the People’s Republic of Poland, the Rumanian People’s Republic, the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics and the Czechoslovak Republic, the states signatory to the Treaty have decided to set up a Unified Command of their Armed Forces.
This decision envisages that general questions pertaining to the consolidation of the defence capacity and organisation of the United Armed Forces of the countries which are signatories to the Treaty shall be considered by the Political Consultative Committee, which will adopt appropriate decisions.
Marshal of the Soviet Union I. S. Konev is appointed Commander-in-Chief of the United Armed Forces assigned by the states which have signed the Treaty. The Ministers of Defence or other military leaders of the states signatory to the Treaty are appointed Deputy Commanders-in-Chief and given command of the Armed Forces assigned to the United Armed Forces by each respective state signatory to the Treaty.
The question of participation of the German Democratic Republic in measures relating to the Armed Forces of the Unified Command shall be considered later. A Headquarters of the United Armed Forces of the states signatory to the Treaty shall be set up under the Commander-in-Chief of the United Armed Forces. Its staff shall include permanent representatives of the General Staffs of the states signatory to the Treaty.
The Headquarters shall be located in Moscow.
The stationing of the United Armed Forces on the territories of states signatory to the Treaty shall be effected in conformity with the requirements of mutual defence and by agreement between these states.

“For a Lasting Peace, For a People’s Democracy”,
No. 20 (341), Friday, May 20, 1955.