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Theses and Resolutions
of the VI. World Congress of the Communist International.
Second Series.
CONTENTS
The Struggle against Imperialist War and the Tasks of the Communists.
Resolution on the International Campaign against War.
Statutes of the Communist International.
Resolution on the Communist International Red Aid.
The Struggle against Imperialist War and the Tasks of the Communists
I. The Menace of Imperialist War
II. Attitude of the Proletariat Towards War.
A. THE PROLETARIAT FIGHTS AGAINST IMPERIALIST WARS.
The Fight Against Imperialist War, Before its Outbreak.
The fight the Communists wage against imperialist war differs essentially from the “fight against war” waged by pacifists of various shades. The Communists do not regard the struggle against such a war as being separate from the class struggle. On the contrary, they regard it as part of the general proletarian struggle for the overthrow of the bourgeoisie. They know that imperialist wars are inevitable as long as the bourgeoisie remain in power. This postulate is sometimes interpreted to mean that it is useless to carry on a specific struggle against imperialist war. Indeed, the Social Democrats deliberately charge the Communists with encouraging imperialist wars in order to accelerate the advent of Revolution. While the first-mentioned attitude is a mistaken one, the second is a silly calumny.
Although convinced that war is inevitable under the rule of the bourgeoisie, the Communists, in the interests of the masses of the workers and of all the toilers who bear the brunt of the sacrifice entailed by war, wage a persistent fight against imperialist war and strive to prevent imperialist war by proletarian revolution. They strive to rally the masses around their standard in this struggle, and if unable to prevent the outbreak of war, they strive to transform it into civil war for the overthrow of the bourgeoisie.
The first duty of Communists in the fight against imperialist war is to tear down the screen by which the bourgeoisie conceal their preparations for war and the real state of affairs from the masses of the workers. This duty implies move all a determined political and ideological fight against pacifism. In this fight the Communists must take careful note of the various shades of pacifism. The most important of these shades are:
a) Official pacifism, behind which the capitalist governments mask their manoeuvres against each other and against the Soviet Union (League of Nations, Locarno, Disarmament Conferences, “outlawry of war”, etc.).
b) The pacifism of the Second International (Hilferding, Paul Boncour, MacDonald), which is but a branch of official government pacifism, except that it is embellished with Socialistic and even “Marxian” phrases.
c) “Radical” or “revolutionary” pacifism, advocated by certain “Left” Socialists who admit the danger of war, but strive to combat this danger merely by meaningless phrases against war. These pacifists frequently lay excessive stress upon the destructiveness of modern weapons of war in order, either to prove that protracted wars are impossible, or else, to demonstrate that it is impossible to transform imperialist war into civil war.
d) Semi-religious pacifism, which has its basis in the church movement.
In the struggle against pacifism, however, the Communist, must draw a distinction between the anti-war sentiments of large masses of the toilers, who are ready to fight against war, but do not as yet understand that the revolutionary way is the only proper way of combating war, and therefore, become a prey to pacifist swindlers, and the swindlers themselves, the pacifists of various shades. The masses must be patiently enlightened as to their error and urged to join the revolutionary united front in the struggle against war. But the pacifist swindlers must be relentlessly exposed and combated.
e) A special role is played by so-called “co-operative pacifism. This type of pacifism is to be observed to-day chiefly liance and International Women’s Co-operative Guild in London. To these must be added Left bourgeois organisations like the Women’s International League for Peace and Freedom.
The closer and more imminent the danger of war becomes, the more dangerous becomes so-called “radical” pacifism. This type of pacifism is to be observed to-day chiefly among the Left-wing Social Democrats, in Germany, the I.L.P. in England, and the Social-Democrats in the smaller countries, like Holland, Norway, etc. The catchwords and phrases advocated by these pacifists like “No more war”, “Boycott war”, “General strike against the declaration of war”, “Military strike”, etc., are taken up in the utterances of the reformist leaders for the purpose of deceiving the masses (e. g. the phrases about the general strike uttered by the Amsterdam International). In his instructions to the Russian Trade Union Delegation to the Hague Peace Conference in December 1922, Lenin properly laid special stress upon this type of pacifism. His warning holds good to this day, particularly when we bear in mind that even in the ranks of the Communist Parties there are many members who, unconsciously perhaps, betray inclinations in this direction.
It is therefore necessary:
a) To combat all high-sounding phrases like “we shall never permit another war”, “no more wars”, etc. The Communists must not be content merely to “correct” these slogans theoretically, but must wage an active fight against this kind of propaganda by unmasking those who conduct it, and denounce this phrasemongering as a screen to conceal the preparations being made for war. The same thing applies in many cases today of the slogan: “War against war” that is advanced by the Social Democrats as a hypocritical means of raising unfounded expectations among the masses.
b) To combat the proposals advanced by “the radical” pacifists for preventing war. Communists cannot content themselves merely with exposing these people a phrasemongers, who would do nothing to carry their radical proposals into effect (general strike, military strike), but they must also point out to the masses that, as framed by these pacifists, these slogans are wrong and childish. They must explain to the masses the real circumstances under which war breaks out, the impossibility of limiting the struggle to certain fixed methods and the need for bringing into action all forms of the class struggle.
c) Energetically to combat and openly criticise all frivolousness in the ranks of the Communist Parties concerning the question of combating war. This is particularly necessary at the present time, in view of the mistakes contained in press articles and parliamentary speeches. Under no circumstances should such mistakes be allowed to pass without criticism.
In addition to the task of combating pacifism and frivolous “revolutionary” phrasemongering in the struggle against imperialist war, the Communists are faced with a number of other fundamental agitational and educational tasks. These are:
a) To expose in proper time, the sophistries and catch-words by which the bourgeoisie and Social-Democracy try to justify war. The principal slogan advanced by the latter, even in the present day, is the slogan of “national defence”. The war against China in 1927 revealed the true significance of slogans like “Protection of life and property”, “protection of trade”, “protection of the flag,” etc. In the last imperialist war, the Allies made use of the slogan “fight against Prussian militarism”, while the Central Powers used the slogan “Fight against Tsarism”; both sides using the respective slogans to mobilise the masses for the war. In a future war between Italy and France, or Yugo-Slavia, the same purpose will be served by the slogan “Fight against reactionary Fascism”, for the bourgeoisie in the latter countries will take advantage of the anti-Fascist sentiments of the masses of the people to justify imperialist war. On the other hand, fascism justifies its imperialist war policies by the catchwords “overpopulation”, “natural necessity for expansion”, etc. The Communist Parties have hitherto paid insufficient attention to the duty of refuting these sophistries.
b) “It is essential again and again, and as concretely as possible, to explain to the masses what the situation was at the time of the last war, and why that situation was inevitable.”
“It is particularly necessary to explain to the masses the significance of the fact that the question of ‘national defence’ is becoming an inevitable question, which the enormous majority of the toilers will inevitably decide in favour of their own bourgeoisie.” (Lenin).
“In view. of recent experiences of war, we must explain that on the morrow of the declaration of war, such an enormous number of theoretical and social questions will arise, that the overwhelming majority of the men called up for service will find it utterly impossible to examine them with a clear head and with any degree of impartiality.” (Lenin).
“We must tell the misses the real facts about the profound secrecy in which the governments make their plans for war and how impotent the ordinary labour organisations, even those that call themselves revolutionary, are in the face of impending war.” (Lenin).
The Bolsheviks, having a well set up illegal organisation, were the only Party able to carry on revolutionary work during the war. Yet even they could no more prevent the masses from responding to the bourgeois call for “national defence” than they could prevent the outbreak of war, notwithstanding the fact that the proletarian struggle in Russia was at high tide at that period. In fact, only a few weeks before the outbreak of war, barricades were erected in the streets of St. Petersburg.
Consequently, only by thoroughly explaining to the masses the tremendous difficulties that have to be overcome in a real struggle against war can the foundation be laid for the solution of the tactical problems involved in this struggle.
c) Finally, it is necessary to explain thoroughly to the masses the experiences of the last world war of 1914-1918; the tendencies that prevailed in the labour movement at that time the struggles the Bolsheviks conducted against war, and the fundamental slogan they advanced by transforming the imperialist war into civil war.
This agitational and propagandist activity must be closely linked up with the revolutionary work of the Party among the masses.
This is the main task in the struggle against imperialist war before it breaks out. Stated in detail this task includes the following:
a) Factory and trade union activity must be concentrated primarily in the industries which serve the mobilisation for and conduct of war, like the metal industry, the chemical industry, and transport. It is particularly important to apply the tactics of the proletarian united front and to secure the organisational consolidation of its results (establishment of Committees of Action, etc.).
b) In view of the fact that the peasantry constitutes the bulk of the army in most countries, special attention must be paid to anti-war work among the peasants. This work is facilitated by the strong anti-war sentiment prevailing among the peasants in many countries. The bourgeoisie, through the medium of the big landlords and big farmers and through Ex-Service Men’s Leagues, the press, Fascism, pacifism, the churches, etc., strive to consolidate their influence in the countryside, and to rouse the “fighting spirit” of the peasantry. Communists must counter-act this activity by their work to sharpen the class struggle in the countryside. The Communists must conduct anti-war agitation among the peasant masses and in this utilise the experiences of the world war, and link up this agitation with the economic demands of the small peasantry. They must explain to the peasants the proletarian attitude towards war; carry on fraction work in the reactionary peasant leagues; organise anti-war conferences of the small peasantry, and give consideration to the special interests of the peasants in carrying on work in the army.
c) The national-revolutionary movements in the Balkans, Poland, etc., play an extremely important part in the struggle against the imperialist war danger and in transforming imperialist war into civil War. The struggle against the imperialist war danger in these countries must be linked up with the fight against the remnants of feudalism and against national oppression, and must be directed towards the development of the agrarian and national revolutions.
Hence, the establishment and expansion of a revolutionary bloc of the proletariat, the peasantry and the oppressed nations against capitalism and against the imperialist war danger is an exceedingly important task that now confronts the Communist Parties.
d) A matter of decisive importance is the work among the youth, especially among the industrial youth. The greatest efforts must be exerted —not only by the youth organisations, but by all Communists— in combating bourgeois sport organisations, fascist organisations, military schools, etc., through which the bourgeoisie are training the youth for imperialist wars. Furthermore, bourgeois military training of the youth must also be combated. Where the military training of the youth is compulsory, the Communists should urge the young workers to accept it, but they must organise work for the political education of these young workers and for the disintegration of the bourgeois military organisations. Similar work must be carried on in bourgeois, voluntary military training organisations. For this purpose, the Communist Party and the Young Communist League must send members into these organisations, but they must not urge the young workers to join them. Instead, they must urge the young workers to join, or form, Labour Defence Organisations.
e) Bearing in mind the important part women play in industry, especially in time of war, work must be carried on among the industrial working women and workingmen’s wives. To combat the imperialist influence disseminated among working women through petty-bourgeois organisations and to organise the working women in trade unions and other proletarian mass organisations, are extremely important tasks at the present time in view of the threatening war danger. In this connection, special consideration must be given to the plans for the militarisation of women and to the increasing influence which bourgeois pacifist, religious and nationalist organisations are exercising over working class women. Work among the women must no longer be neglected, and the idea that this work is solely the affair of the women Communists must be stamped out.
f) Anti-militarist activity; work in the army and navy; work among the recruits and reservists and in bourgeois defence organisations, in which the proletarian element is strongly represented, must constitute an inseparable part of the general revolutionary mass activity of the Party, and must embrace the whole of the working class.
16. Lenin was of the opinion that “the only possible way of continuing revolutionary work after the outbreak of war is the creation of an illegal organisation.” But, an illegal organisation is also necessary in the anti-war struggle before war breaks out. There is still considerable confusion of mind concerning this important task in the struggle against war, and serious neglect in its practical fulfilment. In some Communist Parties the definitely opportunist view prevails that the conduct of anti-war activity is the business only of the youth, or of a special organisation, while activity within the army is regarded as not being absolutely essential. Such views must be vigorously combated and the work must be taken up immediately, in the spirit of the instructions given by Lenin. In this connection, we must:
1). Enlarge the number of Party factory nuclei which, under given circumstances arising from the persecution of the employers and the police, must go underground. The preparations for the transference to underground conditions when the contingency arises, must be undertaken now.
2). Make preparations for guaranteeing the proper functioning of the leading bodies of the Party, of the communications apparatus and of the Party press, in the event of the necessity arising for going strictly underground.
While never for a moment ceasing to utilise the all available legal possibilities, the Communist Parties must already at the present time, devote the greatest energy and attention to these tasks. If they fail to do this the persecution that must be set in at the moment of the outbreak of war, —a foretaste of winch we have already in a number of countries to-day— will inevitably destroy the Party organisation, and with it, the principal base of the revolutionary struggle against war.
The Communist Parties must bend all their work to the central task of preparing, winning over and organising the masses for the struggle against imperialist war. The struggles of the proletariat and of toilers generally against the intensification of exploitation and oppression —in matters of wages, the working day, taxes, rent, social services, political disfranchisement, victimisation and the intensification of the Fascist menace— must not be confined to the demands arising out of these struggles, but must be linked up with the determined struggle against imperialist war policy.
All the important questions of foreign policy of armaments, of the introduction of new weapons of war, etc., must be brought before the masses of the workers and utilised for the organisation of revolutionary mass action. In this struggle, the Communist Party, giving due and sober consideration to its strength, must march boldly and determinedly at the head of the masses. It must organise demonstrations and strikes against the war policy of the imperialist bourgeoisie and, at the proper moment, put to the masses the question of the general strike and of still sharper methods of struggle.
The Struggle During Imperialist War.
The political programme of the Communists in an imperialist war is the programme worked out and applied by the Bolshevik Party under the leadership of Lenin in its heroic struggle against the last imperialist war. The main points of this programme may be summarised as follows:
a) The rejection of imperialist “national defence” in this war. To enlighten the workers and peasants as to its reactionary character. Strongly to combat all tendencies in the labour movement which openly, or covertly, justify this war.
b) Defeatism, i.e. to work for the defeat of the home imperialist government in this war.
c) Genuine internationalism, i.e. not “international” phrases and formal “agreements”, but revolutionary defeatist work to be earned on by the proletariat in all the belligerent countries, for the overthrow of their home bourgeoisie.
d) To transform the war between imperialist States into proletarian civil war against the bourgeoisie, for the purpose of establishing the dictatorship of the proletariat and Socialism —this transformation to be achieved by means of revolutionary mass action in the rear, and fraternisation at the front.
e) A “democratic” or “just” peace cannot result from an imperialist war without the overthrow of the bourgeoisie and the seizure of power by the proletariat in the most important belligerent Stales. Therefore, “peace” cannot be the central slogan during imperialist war; the central slogan must be “proletarian revolution”. It is the bounden duty of Communists strongly to combat all peace phrasemongering; for a certain moment in the war, this can be utilised by the bourgeoisie as an extremely important ideological weapon to prevent the imperialist war from being transformed into civil war.
Communists must not confine themselves merely to conducting propaganda in favour of this programme; they must rouse the masses of the workers to fight for it, by applying the tactics of the united proletarian front from below.
“Transform the imperialist war into civil war” means primarily, revolutionary mass action. The Communists resolutely repudiate all so-called “means” of combating war that hamper the development of revolutionary mass action. Consequently, they repudiate individual actions that have no connection with revolutionary mass actions or that fail to contribute to their development. Communists combat the propaganda in favour or the “against the war” prescriptions that are recommended by the petty-bourgeois elements in the labour movement. Prescriptions like “refusal to bear arms” “refusal to shoot”, etc., are still circulated widely among the masses to-day, and many workers seriously believe in their efficacy. As a matter of fact, these prescriptions are meaningless and harmful. The Communists, must tell the workers that the struggle against war is not a single and simultaneous act, and that revolutionary mass action on the part of the workers and poor peasants, in the rear and at the front, for the armed overthrow of the bourgeoisie, is the only proper means of combating war, to which all other means must be directed. While combating the above-mentioned prescriptions for individual action, which can only hinder mass action, the Communists must at the same time rouse the workers to display a spirit of revolutionary heroism in the struggle against imperialist wars.
The Communists’ attitude towards the question of the general strike against war is determined by the same point of view, viz., the transformation of imperialist war into civil war. Already in 1907, Lenin, in opposing Hervé, repudiated the General Strike slogan as a “panacea” to be applied regardless of the concrete situation and divorced from the general class struggle of the proletariat. In 1922, on the basis of experiences in the world war, he formulated his position still more definitely. In his instructions to the delegation to the Hague Peace Congress he said
“It is impossible to ‘reply’ to war with a general strike, just as it is impossible to reply to war with ‘revolution’, in the simple and literal sense of the word”.
This holds good to this day. But while Communists repudiate the slogan of “reply to war with a general strike”; and warn the workers against harbouring such illusions, which can only injure the real struggle against war, they do not by any means abandon the weapon of the general strike in the struggle against war, and sharply condemn any suggestion to do so as an opportunist deviation. Side by side with other revolutionary mass actions (demonstrations, strikes in munition works, transport strikes, etc.), the general strike —as the supreme form of the mass strike movement— is an extremely important weapon, and as a transition to the armed uprising it constitutes a stage in the transformation of imperialist war into civil. war. This transformation, however, does not depend upon the will of the Party alone. It presupposes the existence of a revolutionary situation, the capacity of the proletariat for mass action, etc. These conditions do not as a rule prevail at the very beginning of the war; they develop in the course of the war. But even in war time the general strike does not come like a bolt from the blues. It comes on the rising tide of revolutionary mass action (demonstrations, partial strikes, etc.) and as a result of the persistent preparation, which the Communists must make, and which may entail heavy sacrifices. Of course, a general strike in war time will lead to revolutionary results much more rapidly than in peace time; but it is by no means easier to prepare for and organise it in war time than in peace time. On the contrary, in war time the bourgeoisie will take determined counter-measures to prevent it. They win call the strikers to the colours, militarise the factories, etc. Communists, therefore, cannot, in war time, confine themselves to abstract general strike propaganda. As in peace time, they must carry on daily revolutionary work in the factories and trade unions. They must champion the economic demands of the workers and link up these demands with anti-war propaganda; organise revolutionary factory councils; capture the subordinate trade union organisations; eliminate the social-patriotic elements from these organisations, and, when they have been captured, elect new executives parallel with the
reformist executives, and despite the will of the latter, organise, lead and extend partial strikes, etc. The general strike must not be an abstract watchword. It must be the aim and the outcome of our general practical activity. That being the case, the revolutionary proletariat must be ready, in the event of a general strike, firmly to steer a course towards transforming the strike into an armed rebellion, if conditions are propitious for that.
From the same standpoint of the transformation of imperialist war in to civil war, the Communists take their stand with regard to the slogan of refusal of military service (Boycott of war) advocated by certain “radical” pacifists and Left Social Democrats. The Communists fight against this slogan for the following reasons:
a) The idea that imperialist war can be rendered impossible by a call for the refusal of military service, by calling upon those liable for military service to refuse to answer the call for mobilisation is as illusory as the idea of “replying to war with a general strike”. Propaganda in favour of this prescription merely serves to weaken the genuine revolutionary struggle against war.
b) Even if a “mass ‘boycott” were at least partially successful, the result would be that the most determined and class conscious workers would remain outside the army. Systematic revolutionary work in the army, —one of the most vital tasks in the struggle against war,— would then be impossible.
Lenin was absolutely right, therefore, when in 1922, on the basis of experience of the world war, he wrote: “Boycott the war, is a stupid phrase. The Communists must participate in every reactionary war.”
But Lenin’s’ instructions regarding the Communists’ attitude towards the boycott (the refusal of military service) as a means of combating war, does not mean that the Communists must urge the masses of workers to join the bourgeois armies. It means that the Communists, while strongly combats the harmful and illusory boycott slogan, must agitate for revolutionary work and organisation in the bourgeois army, for the arming of the proletariat and for the transformation of imperialist war into civil war.
Therefore, when the question of joining the bourgeois army or refusal or military service (boycott) is raised, the Communists must advise the workers and poor peasants to reject the refusal of the military service slogan, to avail themselves of the opportunity to learn the use of arms, to carry on revolutionary work in the army and, at the proper moment, to turn their weapons against the bourgeoisie.
In the event of a big mass movement arising at the moment of the outbreak of war in favour of refusing military service, the Communists must join that movement to give it a revolutionary character; they must put forward concrete demands and slogans of action in the direction of revolutionary mass action against imperialist war and utilise the movement as much as possible for the purpose of revolutionising the masses. But even in such all event, the Communists must combat the boycott ideology and the pacifist boycott slogan. They must speak out quite frankly about the inadequacy of refusal of military service as a means of combating war, and make it clear to the masses that the only correct way of combating the imperialist war is to transform it into civil war. Strenuous propaganda must be conducted urging the necessity for carrying on revolutionary work in the bourgeois armies.
If the general situation is favourable for it, Communists must utilise such mass movements for the formation of guerrilla forces, and for the immediate development of civil war. This applies especially to countries where strong national-revolutionary movements exist. In such countries the Communists, on the declaration of war, —especially war against the Soviet Union— or in the course of the war, if the situation is favourable, must issue the slogan of national-revolutionary rebellion against the imperialists and for the immediate formation of national-revolutionary guerrilla forces.
In countries where the system of compulsory military service does not exist, the government, at the beginning of the war, will launch a wide recruiting campaign for volunteers, and if it deems it necessary, will introduce compulsory military service. In such countries also, the Communist Parties must set themselves the aim of transforming the imperialist war into civil war. But in pursuing this aim the Communists must also fight against the bourgeois recruiting campaign for volunteers and against the introduction of compulsory military service. Under no circumstances, however, must they foster the illusion that the war can be prevented or stopped by refusing to join the army or by opposing the introduction of compulsory military service and that, therefore, revolutionary work in the army is superfluous. It must be made clear to the masses that the struggle against conscription is only of secondary importance compared with the fight against the imperialist war itself. Revolutionary work in the army must be organised and openly advocated.
An extremely important point in the matter of transforming imperialist war into civil war is revolutionary work at the front. In this, the Communists must not confine themselves merely to propaganda, but must issue definite slogans of action corresponding to the concrete situation.
a) In connection with the economic demands plaints of the soldiers, collective refusal, or sabotage and certain forms of soldiers and sailors’ strikes applied.
b) The most important slogan of action at the front is the slogan of fraternisation. The purpose of fraternisation is to unite the worker and peasant soldiers in the opposite lines of trenches against their officers. Experience in the last world war has shown that mass fraternisation inevitably leads to class differentiation in the armies and to armed conflicts between soldiers and officers. The Communists in the army must organise fraternisation and give it a clear political colour, particularly in regard to the question of peace and the organisation of the revolutionary forces in the army.
The Proletarian Civil War Against the Bourgeoisie.
The imperialist war of 1914-1928 was, in a number of countries in Eastern and Central Europe, transformed into civil war, which, in Russia, ended in the victory of the proletariat. The lessons of the October Revolution are of paramount importance in determining the attitude of the proletariat towards war. They show: 1) that in their imperialist wars the bourgeoisie must place weapons in the hands of the workers, but that in critical military situations, defeats, etc., they lost command over the mass armies; 2) that a real and sustained struggle against this war implies that work must be carried on to revolutionise the masses of the soldiers, i.e. work in preparation for civil war, and 3) that the ground for civil war must be thoroughly prepared by the proletariat and the Party. The civil wars in Germany in 1920 and 1923, in Bulgaria in 1923, in Esthonia in 1924, and in Vienna in July 1927, prove that proletarian civil war may not only break out in times of bourgeois imperialist wars, but also in the present “normal conditions” of capitalism; for present-day capitalism intensifies the class struggle to an acute degree and at any moment may create an immediate revolutionary situation. The proletarian uprisings in Shanghai in March 1927 and in Canton in December 1927 contained important lessons for the proletariat, especially in the nationally oppressed colonial and semi-colonial countries. Events in Shanghai particularly, show how proletarian uprisings can be utilised as a weapon in a national war against imperialism and its lackeys.
All this makes it incumbent upon the Communists, primarily in connection with struggle against imperialist and counter-revolutionary wars, to put the question of proletarian civil war openly to the masses and to study the lessons of the above-mentioned uprisings.
These lessons are:
a) In regard to the necessary conditions precedent for rebellion. A revolutionary situation must prevail, i.e. the ruling class must be in a state of crisis, for example, as the result of military defeat. The misery and oppression of the masses must be intensified to an extraordinary degree, and the masses must be active and ready to overthrow the government by revolutionary mass action. A tried and tested Communist having influence over the decisive masses of the proletariat, exist.
b) In regard to the preparations for rebellion. The rebellion cannot be based solely on the Party; it must be based upon the broad masses of the working class. Of decisive importance is the preparatory work in the proletarian mass organisations, particularly in the trade unions; to secure their active participation in the work of preparing for the rebellion, and the creation of special organisations for rebellion, which shall unite the masses. The question of rebellion must be put openly to the masses.
The rebellion must be based on the rising revolutionary temper of the entire working population, particularly of the semi-proletarians and poor peasantry.
Persistent and intensified work must be conducted for the purpose of disintegrating” the bourgeois armies, which work at the moment of the uprising, will assume the character of a struggle for the army.
Activities for organising rebellion and military preparation must both occupy a prominent place in the work among the proletarian masses and among the toilers in the colonies and semi-colonies.
The time for launching the rebellion will be determined by the state of maturity of the objective and subjective pre-requisites for it. The time can be fixed definitely only if the closest contact exists between the Party and the masses of the revolutionary proletariat.
c) In regard to carrying out the rebellion. The rule must be: no playing with rebellion. The rebellion once launched must be vigorously prosecuted until the enemy is utterly crushed. Hesitation and lack of determination will cause the utter defeat of the revolutionary armed uprising, The main forces must be thrown against the main forces of the enemy. Efforts must be made to secure the superiority of the proletarian forces the decisive moment at the decisive place, and without delay the rebellion must be carried over the widest possible territory. There is an art in rebellion; but rebellion is not purely a military problem, it is primarily a political problem. Only a revolutionary Party can lead a rebellion. On the outbreak the rebellion the Party must subordinate the whole of its activity to the requirements of the armed struggle.
B. THE PROLETARIAT DEFENDS THE SOVIET UNION AGAINST THE IMPERIALISTS.
C. THE PROLETARIAT SUPPORTS AND CONDUCTS
REVOLUTIONARY WARS Of OPPRESSED PEOPLES
AGAINST IMPERIALISM.
III. The Proletariat’s Attitude Towards the Army.
One of the most serious mistakes the Communist Parties have committed hitherto, is that they regarded the war question from the abstract, purely propagandist and agitational point of view, and that they did not devote sufficient attention to the army, which is the decisive factor in all wars. Unless the significance of the revolutionary policy in the war question is explained to the broad masses, and unless work is carried on in the army, the struggle against imperialist war and attempts to prepare for revolutionary wars will never reach beyond the stage of theory.
For the most part, this mistake is due to the bad legacy inherited from the II. International, which, while never ceasing to declaim against imperialist wars, never carried on any work in the armies. Indeed, it described Karl Liebknecht as an “anarchist” because he demanded that such work be carried on. Instead of carrying out a revolutionary war policy, and instead of working in the armies, the II. International advocated the “abolition of standing armies” and their substitution by a “national militia”. The slogan: “national militia”, which was suitable for the period in which national States were struggling into existence in Europe, had some revolutionary significance in connection with the demand for the abolition of standing armies, so long as Tsarism and Absolutism represented a menace to revolution (up to the end of the 19th century). But with the growth of imperialism, this slogan became inadequate and finally became a chauvinistic slogan (Hyndman in 1912). The resuscitated II. International abandoned the demand for a “national militia” only in order to subordinate itself entirely to the political interests of the bourgeoisie in the various States. In France, under the guise of supporting the old slogan of a “national militia”, the II. International is advocating an imperialist “national army”; in Germany and in Great Britain, on the pretext of advocating disarmament, it is supporting mercenary volunteer armies. The principle proclaimed by the II. International of “freedom for each nation to select the form of military organisation it desires” is tantamount to freedom to repeat the events of August 4th. Meanwhile, the Social Democratic flunkeys of the bourgeoisie are conducting a campaign of slander against the Red Army and the dictatorship of the proletariat in the U.S.S.R. and are spreading legends about “Red militarism”.
As against this counter-revolutionary military policy, which serves the interests of the bourgeoisie, the Communists advance a revolutionary military policy, which serves the interests of international proletarian revolution. Of course, no hard and fast rules can be laid down as to the position to be adopted in regard to all armies in general. The proletariat must determine its attitude towards the army in accordance with the class and the policy the particular army serves. It is not the military system, Or the form of organisation of the army in any given State that matters so much as the political role that army plays, i.e., imperialistic, nationalist or proletarian. The Communist Parties must follow the precepts of Marx and Engels who in the epoch of great national wars, opposed the petty bourgeois democratic utopia of militia and advocated universal military service, the democratisation of existing armies and their conversion into revolutionary armies. After the Paris Commune, Marx and Engels advocated the destruction of the bourgeois State that matters so much as, the political role that army plays, of standing bourgeois armies and their substitution by the armed nation, —these they regarded as the most important lessons to be learned from the Paris Commune from the standpoint of the proletarian revolution. The II. International distorted these precepts, but Lenin restored and developed them and drafted a military programme of the proletarian revolution.
A. THE PROLETARIAT’S ATTITUDE TOWARDS ARMIES IN
IMPERIALIST STATES.
In imperialist States the attitude of the proletariat towards armies is determined by the following: No matter what their form of organisation may be, armies are a constituent part of the bourgeois State apparatus, which the proletariat, in the course of its revolution, must not democratise, but break up.
In the light of this task, the organisational difference between standing armies and militia, between conscript armies and volunteer armies, etc. disappears. The slogan: “Not a man, not a penny for the army”, i.e. relentless struggle against bourgeois militarism, against its armies of whatever form, voting against war budgets, etc. holds good.
This attitude must be maintained equally towards standing armies and democratic militia, for both these forms of military organisation represent the armed forces of the bourgeoisie held against the proletariat. Democratic partial demands, which the proletariat must under no circumstances abandon, assume an altogether different character from those advanced during democratic revolutions: their purpose must be not to democratise armies but to disintegrate them.
The adoption of a uniform attitude towards the army in principle, does not mean that the important differences in the systems of defence and military organisation in the respective States must be ignored, for these differences are extremely important from the point of view of practical work.
44. Although imperialist armies are a part of the bourgeois State apparatus, nevertheless, owing to mutual rivalries and wars among the capitalist States, modern armies are tending more and more, directly or indirectly, to embrace the whole nation and to militarise it (“the armed nation”, the militarisation of women, military training of the youth, etc.), This tendency subsided temporarily at the end of the world war: but at the present time, on the eve of a new war, it is manifesting itself again very strongly (United States, France, Poland). The immediate results of this tendency are, however, that the class antagonisms between the bourgeoisie and the proletariat —between the exploiters and the exploited— are being reflected In the armies, between the officer-class and the “common people”. In the words of Engels, mass militarisation results in the disintegration of all armies from within. Hence, Communists must not “boycott” bourgeois armies, but must join them and take revolutionary control of this objective process of internal disintegration.
The bourgeoisie is exerting every effort to create a reliable army by drilling, stern discipline, by isolating the soldiers from the ordinary population, by prohibiting the soldiers from taking part in politics, and, in certain cases, even by giving them a privileged social position.
In recent years, particularly in those countries where formerly conscription prevailed, and even where it is still in vogue, the bourgeoisie have been adopting the system of recruiting mercenary armies from certain selected elements (Germany, France). But this does not relieve the bourgeoisie of the necessity to militarise the masses. It can succeed in this only by combining the mercenary troops with the “national armies” or else by establishing a militia type of military organisation. It cannot stop the process of disintegration in the bourgeois armies; it can only retard this process and place severe obstacles in the way of revolutionary work in the army. For these reasons, the Communists are confronted with the important task of studying carefully the conditions created as a result of the measures adopted by the bourgeoisie and to counteract these measures by new methods of revolutionary work.
The proletariat’s attitude towards imperialist armies is closely linked up with its attitude towards imperialist war. For that reason, defeatism, and the slogan of transforming the imperialist war into civil war indicate the manner in which the partial problems of the system of defence and military organisation should be approached.
Bourgeois militia, universal military service, the military training of the youth, etc., were all at one time advocated by revolutionary democracy. At the present time, however, they serve as ordinary reactionary instruments for oppressing the masses and for preparing for imperialist wars. Consequently, they must be combated as strenuously as possible. This applies also to those countries where the bourgeoisie has abolished conscription and adopted the voluntary system (for example in Germany). Although universal military service would facilitate revolutionary work and would provide the workers with opportunities for learning the use of arms, the Communists in imperialist countries must not demand the introduction of the system; they must oppose conscript armies in the same way as they oppose volunteer armies. The slogan: transform imperialist war into civil war indicates how the Communists must fight against measures for mass militarisation (introduction of conscription). By militarising the workers and training them in the use of arms, imperialism creates the pre-requisites for the victory of the proletariat in the civil war. Hence, the revolutionary proletariat must not combat mass militarisation with the arguments advanced by the pacifists. In conducting the struggle for revolution and for Socialism, we do not refuse to bear arms. The aim of our struggle is to expose the militarisation the imperialists introduce for the benefit of the bourgeoisie.
As against this sort of militarisation we advance the slogan: Arm the proletariat. Simultaneously, the Communists must advance and give support to the partial demands of the soldiers which in a concrete situation, stimulate the class struggle in the armies and strengthen the alliance between the proletarian and peasant soldiers and the workers outside the ranks of the army.
The partial demands are approximately as follows:
Demands in Connection with the System of Defence:
Dissolution of mercenary forces; dissolution of standing and principal military units;
Disarming and dissolution of the gendarmerie, police and other special armed forces for civil war;
Disarming and dissolution of Fascist Leagues;
Concrete demands for the reduction of period of military service;
Introduction of the territorial system of military service;
Abolition of compulsory residence in barracks; soldiers’ committees;
The right of labour organisations to train their members in the use of arms, with the right to the free selection of ‘instructors.
The fact that the reduction of the period of military service in some countries is being planned and carried out by the capitalist governments themselves, has given rise to doubts as to whether we should put forward such a demand. But the reduction of the period of military service, taken by itself, under certain circumstances, means not the strengthening but the weakening of the military system. Consequently, this demand can be put forward as a general partial demand in relation to conscript armies under the following circumstances:
1) That a distinct defeatist line is maintained; 2) complete dissociation from analogous partial demands advanced by the Social Democrats; 3) that the illusion that this is a step towards the abolition of militarism is combated. It goes without saying that partial demands must always be concrete, i.e., that they must be put forward in such a form and at such a time that the masses will understand them and support them, and that they will help to revolutionise the masses. In those cases where a reduction of the period of military service is being planned by the capitalist governments, or is demanded by the Social Democrats, a fight must be put up against the measures that are usually adopted simultaneously with this for the purpose of strengthening the bourgeois system (militarisation of the whole population, the organisation of strong cadres of professional soldiers, etc.). The pseudo-democratic programme of reducing the period of military service must be countered by a defeatist programme of partial demands.
In the case of volunteer, mercenary armies, the demand should not be for the reduction of the period of military service, but for the right to leave the service whenever the soldier desires.
Increased pay for soldiers;
Improved maintenance;
The establishment of stores committees composed of soldiers’ representatives;
Abolition of disciplinary punishments;
Abolition of compulsory saluting;
Severe penalties for officers and non-commissioned officers inflicting corporal punishment on private soldiers;
The right to wear multi when of duty;
The right to be absent from barracks every day;
Furlough, and extra pay while on furlough;
The right to marry;
Maintenance for soldiers’ families;
The right to subscribe to newspapers;
The right to organise in trade unions;
The right to vote; the right to attend political meetings.
The fact that in numerous imperialist countries a considerable percentage of the armies are recruited from among oppressed national minorities, whereas the officers either entirely or for the greater part belong to the oppressing nation, provides very favourable ground for revolutionary work in the army. Consequently, among the partial demands we advance in the interests of the masses of the soldiers should be included demands corresponding to the needs of these oppressed nationalities (for example: military service in their home district; the use of the native language in drilling and instruction, etc.).
B. THE MILITARY QUESTION DURING THE PROLETARIAN
REVOLUTION.
C. THE PROLETARIAT’S ATTITUDE TOWARDS ARMIES IN
COLONIAL AND SEMI-COLONIAL COUNTRIES.
IV. The Proletariat’s Attitude Towards the question of
Disarmament and the Fight against Pacifism.
A. THE SOCIAL DEMOCRATIC DISARMAMENT
PROGRAMME AND LENINISM.
B. THE SOVIET DISARMAMENT PROPOSALS.
C. THE PROLETARIAT’S FIGHT AGAINST PACIFISM.
The workers in the Soviet Union, having defeated the bourgeoisie in civil war and having established the dictatorship of the proletariat in their country, may adopt a new method in their fight against pacifism —that venomous tool of imperialism— namely, to propose general disarmament to the imperialists. But the proletariat which is still fighting for power in capitalist States, cannot employ such a method. It would not be a revolutionary act for the proletariat in these countries to propose to, or demand, disarmament from their bourgeoisie and their flunkeys; it would merely mean the substitution of the slogan of arm the proletariat for the slogan of disarm the proletariat; it would mean the rejection of civil war and of Socialism. Hence, Communists must strenuously combat the wrong conclusions drawn from the Soviet Government’s disarmament proposals, —conclusions which contradict the revolutionary sense of this programme— and must ruthlessly condemn a such a deviation in their own ranks.
The difference between the methods of combating pacifism employed by the proletariat in the Soviet Union and those adopted by the working class in capitalist countries does not mean that there is a contradiction between the two; nor does it follow that Communists in capitalist countries must not make use of the Soviet Government’s declaration on disarmament in carrying on agitation among the masses. On the contrary, the disarmament policy of the Soviet Government must be utilised for purposes of agitation much more energetically and to a wider extent that has been done hitherto. However, they must not be utilised as a pretext for advancing similar demands in the capitalist countries, but as a means: 1. for recruiting sympathisers for the Soviet Union —the champion of peace and Socialism. 2. for utilising the results of the Soviet disarmament policy and its exposure of the imperialists in the effort to eradicate all pacifist illusions and to carry on propaganda among the masses in support of the only way towards disarmament and abolition of war, viz., arming of the proletariat, overthrowing the bourgeoisie and establishing the proletarian dictatorship.
V. Defects in the Work of the Communist Parties, and Their Tasks.
The VIII. Plenum of the E.C.C.I. called attention to a number of errors committed by the Communist Parties and to the defects in their work, and laid down a number of special and concrete tasks to be fulfilled by all the Sections of the Comintern in the fight against war.
The opinion expressed by the VIII. Plenum of the E.C.C.I still holds good. Since the VIII. Plenum we have gained more experience, and from this the VI. Congress draws certain conclusions in relation to the future activities of the Communist Parties.
The principal defect from which all the Sections of the Communist International still suffer, is their underestimation of the danger and inevitability of war. This is clearly seen from the fact that none of the Sections displays sufficient energy in carrying out the decisions of the VIII. Plenum. The two greatest events in recent times —the British Note to Egypt and Japan’s war in China, passed unobserved, as if they were minor, altogether unimportant incidents. In view of the rapid swing to the Left of the masses, which indicates that the masses sense the danger of war,— the Communists stand in danger of trailing behind the working class instead of leading it in the fight against war. Many Sections of the Comintern are influenced by the bourgeois and Social Democratic propaganda for “peace”, “disarmament”, and “international arbitration”: they are not concerned with the imminence of the war danger and speak about war as something very remote.
The under-estimation of the danger of war, particularly of war against the Soviet Union, manifests itself in the failure to understand concrete facts and events which are symptomatic of the preparations now being made for war. When Comrade Rakovsky was recalled the French comrades failed for a long time to understand the significance of this incident as a decided step on the part of France on the road of diplomatic preparation for war against the Soviet Union. The Party in Yugoslavia admits that it did not understand how imminent the danger of war was in the Italo-Yugoslav conflict. Several of the Communist Parties in the Baltic countries did not immediately understand the real significance of the concrete measures that are being taken for the formation of an anti-Soviet bloc of the Baltic States (for example the negotiations for a Customs Union between Esthonia and Latvia). All these mistakes, which were subsequently admitted and rectified by the respective Parties, prove how extremely dangerous it is to ignore the measures being taken for the preparation of war. The Parties must maintain constant vigilance and watch the concrete forms which the war danger is assuming.
One of the principal defects in the Parties’ work against war is their excessively abstract, schematic, and even shallow attitude to the war question.
Certain of the Sections confine their activities to speeches in parliament and at public meetings, in which speeches the question of war is usually left in the background. Our Parties have not yet learned to combine the parliamentary struggle against war with work outside of parliament for the purpose of popularising our demands (the work of the Czechoslovak Communists in connection with the St. Gothard affair and the despatch of arms to China consisted of mild protests in parliament and in the columns of the press). International problems must not be separated from war problems, for both are a part of the general class struggle and must be linked up with class conflicts at home, particularly with conflicts in enterprise’s engaged solely in the production of war material.
The mechanisation of the armed forces and the militarisation of industry are directly connected with war and call for strenuous activity in these branches of industry as well as in the trade unions and other labour organisations connected with them. So far, there is little to show that the Communist have commenced to take up these elementary tasks seriously.
The abstract manner in which the war problem is regarded is shown by the failure of the Parties to take up a definite position on the question of war policy. Sometimes Parties either fail altogether to react, or react too late, to the anti-militarist tricks of the Social Democrats, which frequently find support among the masses (for example the campaign conducted by the Social Democrats in Germany in which they posed as being “opponents of war on principle”). Sometimes the Communist Parties try to evade the concrete problems of war politics by employing general phrases and repeating abstract propaganda slogans, instead of taking up practical tasks.
This applies particularly to army questions. In this a tendency is observed to evade the question of fighting for concrete partial demands and reforms which would actually weaken militarism (such as reduction of period of military service, the question of the composition of volunteer armies, etc.). The fight for reforms is left entirely to the Social Democrats against whom no genuine proletarian political programme on the army question —a programme for weakening militarism and of practical proposals for the arming of the workers— is put forward.
Only a few sections have taken the necessary organisational measures for conducting systematic anti-militarist work. The work among soldiers and seamen in countries which are very important from the point of view of war danger is very unsatisfactory. The mass character of this work, its use as a means for carrying on agitation and propaganda among the soldiers, are not understood. In some countries, anti-militarist activity among the youth is conducted on too restricted a basis, while no attempt is made to establish an adequate organisational base among the masses of the soldiers. The fact that work among sailors is not carried on with sufficient energy in imperialist countries shows that the role of the navy in a future war is underestimated. In no country has systematic use been made of family influence upon the men serving in the army or the navy, and upon recruits.
69: Almost in all countries is observed a failure to properly appreciate the enormous importance of carrying on work among the peasants, among national minorities and in the colonies. The closest attention must be devoted to all these spheres of work.
Anti-militarist work in the rural districts must not be conducted solely by means of a few casual campaigns, parades, demonstrations, etc. Planned and systematic work must be carried on and linked up with the immediate demands of the toiling peasantry. A special task is to work among the peasant youth. It is imperatively necessary to devote special attention to the establishment of connections between the villages and the peasant soldiers in the army, by means ‘of correspondence, soldiers on furlough, etc. Experience in such work will be of enormous value in the event of war.
In our work among national minorities, we must more determinedly than hitherto, champion the demands of the oppressed nations, fight against the tyrannical actions of the imperialist government against them, and guide the work of the national revolutionary organisations.
The Communist Parties must maintain permanent contact with the Communist organisations and trade unions in the respective colonial countries. They must render every support, by means of mass action, to the revolutionary movements in the colonies.
The Communist Parties of all countries must devote special attention to the setting up of non-Party organisations like the League for the Struggle Against Imperialism and to the question of establishing a united front between the proletariat in capitalist countries and the national liberation movements in subject countries for the struggle against war.
The fight against fascism has not up till now received sufficient attention from many of the Sections. The greatest initiative must be displayed in this connection, both in regard to the ideological struggle, as well as in regard to revolutionary mass actions against Fascism. In this, not only should attention be given to avowedly Fascist organisations but also to semi-Fascist tendencies and organisations existing under the guise of democratic, or Social-Democratic bodies, (like the “Imperial Flag”, in Germany, the Social Fascist tendencies of development in the higher ranks of the Social Democratic and trade union bureaucracy; factory Fascism, etc.). The fight against Fascism in all its forms must be closely linked up with the fight against imperialist war.
We are witnessing at the present time a fresh wave of bourgeois propaganda in favour of “peace” and “disarmament” and for the outlawry of war”. Hitherto, the fight against this sort of pacifism has not been conducted with sufficient energy, and the same may be said in regard to the fight against the Social Democratic propaganda against the alleged “Red Imperialism” of the Soviet Union and “Bolshevism as a factor making for war”. The exposure of the real character of the League of Nations which is playing a decisive part in the work of creating pacifist illusions among the masses of the people, has not been carried on systematically or with sufficient energy.
In the majority of cases, the very important Communist task arising from the results of the Geneva Conference, viz., to combine the struggle against war with propaganda for the proletarian dictatorship and arming of the proletariat, was forgotten. In some countries, utterly pacifist mistakes were committed which were expressed in the advocacy of the slogan of disarmament.
The majority of the Communist Parties after the VIII. Plenum failed to devote sufficient attention to popularising the proper Leninist method of fighting against war among the members of the party. Neither in the theoretical journals, nor in the ordinary Party press, were the fundamental problems connected with the fight against war adequately discussed; nor were the concrete partial demands connected with the fight properly elucidated. The latter must be noted as a particularly grave defect in the Parties’ work, for in many cases these problems were extremely urgent, and the Social Democratic press devoted fairly considerable attention to them.
The work of the Parties suffers also from a lack of ideological clarity on all these problems. Certain comrades (in France Switzerland and in Austria) raised the question of “national defence” in the event of war with Italy. Others advocated a complete boycott of military training camps (in America). All these examples of deviations, although subsequently rectified by the leading Party bodies, show how necessary it is to conduct, in the Party ranks, as well as among the masses serious and extensive propaganda work on the question of the war danger and the methods of combating it.
The principal agitational tasks in the struggle against the war danger, and particularly against the provocation and preparation for war against the Soviet Union are as follows:
In view of the imminence of the war danger, the principal and central agitational slogans must be: “defence of the Soviet Union”, “Support the revolutionary struggle in colonial and subject countries”, “Fight against Imperialist war”.
Agitational work must be steadily directed towards the exposure of the predatory strivings of various imperialist groups in all countries. It must be particularly directed against the American imperialists; against the British imperialists, who are leading the preparations for war against the Soviet Union and against the British and Japanese imperialists who are leading the military intervention in China. The demand must be made for the publication of all secret treaties and secret military alliances.
The Social Democratic proposal for “limited armaments”, their defence of the Geneva Protocol, and of compulsory arbitration, must be criticised and exposed.
As energetic campaign of exposure must be carried on against “industrial peace”, class collaboration, neutral (non-political) unions and “company unions” advocated by the reformist trade union leaders, and which, in fact are measures in the preparation for war.
Work must be immediately commenced to explain to the workers in the coming war, why they must stand for the defeat of their imperialist country. The slogan “transform imperialist war into civil war, must already become the leading idea in our propaganda, before imperialist war breaks out.
All the Communist Parties must conduct the fight against the imperialist partition of China by means of wide mass campaigns, and by combating the special military and political measures initiated by the Great Powers. This fight is closely linked up with the fight against the danger of new imperialist wars.
The most important measures to be taken, the majority of which have already been indicated in the Theses of the VIII. Plenum, are the following: Women and Children’s demonstrations on the routes taken by troops on the way to the front and places of embarkation, and also women, children’s and disabled soldiers demonstrations outside parliaments. Anti-war agitation in proletarian and petty bourgeois women’s organisations, the convening of women delegate conferences under anti-imperialist war slogans; the calling of meetings of working women outside factory gates and in working class districts from which delegates shall be elected; to utilise the existing and to set up new women delegate conferences, which must serve as permanent bodies for conducting campaigns against imperialist war. The tactics of the united front and work in “Hands Off Russia” committees must be conducted more effectively than hitherto. Moreover, trade unions must be persuaded to affiliate to these committee. A fight must be conducted along the whole line against Fascism, which is one of the armed units of the counter-revolution. Wherever possible, mass organisations, like the German Red Front Fighters League, must be set up. Anti-Fascist and anti-war work must be carried on in sport organisations. Existing class War Victims’ Organisations (Disabled Soldiers’ Leagues, War Widows’ Organisations, etc.) must be utilised and strengthened for the purpose of fighting against imperialist war. The Young Communist Leagues, in close contact with the Communist Parties, must carry on strenuous work among the working and peasant youth, from among whom the soldiers are recruited. Existing proletarian teachers, parents and pupils organisations and Communist Children’s groups must also be utilised. New children’s organisations must be established for the purpose of combating imperialist influences in the schools.
The task of preparing the Communist Parties themselves is one of first class importance. The spreading of a profounder consciousness of international solidarity among the Sections of the Comintern is a necessary condition precedent for the preparedness of the Communist Parties for war.
The closest possible contact must be established between all the Sections before the outbreak of war, and every means must be employed to maintain these contacts throughout the whole course or the war.
The terror against the Communist Parties, and the revolutionary movement as a whole, that will accompany the mobilisation, will assume unparalleled intensity. Thousands of Communists and revolutionary workers, whose names have been listed beforehand, will be put away in concentration camps. The imperialists will not only try to destroy the legal Communist Parties but the whole apparatus and leadership of the underground parties as well.
The Communist Parties must immediately set to work to prepare to meet this situation. The legal Communist Parties must exert every effort to prepare for the timely transition to underground conditions. The underground parties must make preparations to adapt their leadership and their organisations to conditions of a worse terror than prevails at present. Timely preparations must be made for the changing of organisational methods and for changing the organisational contacts from top to bottom. Party members must be prepared beforehand for the new situation that will arise in connection with the mobilisation and the opening of hostilities.
The VI. World Congress recalls to the minds of all Communists what Lenin said about the fight against war being by no means an easy matter. It urges upon the Parties to subject themselves to thorough self-criticism and systematically to verify what has been done up till now in the fight against the war danger and for preparing the Party for the struggle during the war. It enjoins them ruthlessly to bring to light and immediately to rectify all mistakes that have been committed.
The VI. Congress calls upon all the Sections to give the struggle against war a more international character and to take preparatory measures for the international co-ordination of revolutionary action in order that they may be in a position at the required moment to carry out important international action against imperialist war.
Resolution on the International Campaign against War.
In view of the active preparations the imperialist powers are making for an attack upon the U.S.S.R., of the ripening military conflicts between the capitalist sharks and the intervention in China also proceeding; in view also of the treacherous role being played by international Social Democracy of all shades, which is disarming the workers in the face of the capitalist offensive and is at the same time actively and cynically helping the imperialist groups in the various countries in their preparations for another world butchery, the Congress is of the opinion that it is the duty of all Communists, in the present tense situation, to intensify the struggle against the war danger and to set to work immediately to carry out an International campaign against the impending imperialist war.
The Congress instructs the Central Committees of all the Communist Parties immediately to commence political, organisational agitational and propagandist work in preparation for an International Day for the fight against imperialist war and defence of the Soviet Union. On this day the toilers must demonstrate against the capitalist offensive under the slogans: “War Against Imperialist War”; “United Workers Front Against the Capitalist Offensive”; “Defend the Soviet Union”; “To the Aid of the Revolutionary Peoples in the Colonies”; “Expose the Lies of the Social Patriots”; “Establish Proletarian Defence Organisations”.
The Central Committees of the various Communist Parties must draw up practical measures, corresponding to the concrete conditions in their respective countries, for carrying out International Day (mass meetings, street demonstrations, protest strikes, and other forms of action).
The Congress instructs the Executive Committee to take all the necessary measures for organising such an international campaign, to co-ordinate all the measures taken for this purpose and to arrange for simultaneous action in order, in accordance) with the decisions of the Congress, to secure that the campaigns against war shall be intensified and that the broad masses of the toilers, including the soldiers, shall be brought into it.
Constitution and Rules of the Communist International.
I. Name and Objects
II. The World Congress of the Communist
International
Ill. The Executive Committee of the
Communist International and its
Subsidiary Bodies
IV. The International Control Commission
The International Control Commission investigates matters concerning the unity of the Sections affiliated to the Communist International and also matters connected with the Communist conduct of individual members of the various Sections.
For this purpose the I.C.C.
(a) Examines complaints against the actions of Central Committees of Communist Parties lodged by Party members who have been subjected to disciplinary measures for political differences;
(b) Examines such analogous matters concerning members of central bodies of Communist Parties and of individual Party members as it deems necessary, or which are submitted to it by the deciding bodies of the E.C.C.I.
(c) Audits the accounts of the Communist International.
The International Control Commission must not intervene in the political differences or in organisational administrative conflicts in the Communist Parties.
The headquarters of the I.C.C. are fixed by the I.C.C., in agreement with the E.C.C.I.
V. The Relationships between the Sections of the Communist International and E.C.C.I.
The Central Committee of Sections affiliated to the Communist International and the Central Committees of affiliated sympathising organisations must send to the E.C.C.I. the Minutes of their meetings and reports of their work.
Resignation from office by individual members or groups of members of Central Committees of the various Sections are regarded as disruptive of the Communist movement. Leading posts in the Party do not belong to the occupant of that post, but to the Communist International as a whole. Elected members of the Central leading bodies of the various Sections may resign before their time of office expires, only with the consent of the E.C.C.I. Resignations accepted by Central Committees of Sections without the consent of the E.C.C.I. are invalid.
The Sections affiliated to the Communist International must maintain close organisational and informational contact with each other, arrange for mutual representation at each other’s conferences and congresses, and, with the consent of the E.C.C.I., exchange leading comrades. This applies particularly to the Sections in imperialist countries and their colonies, and to the Sections in countries adjacent to each other.
Two or more Sections of the Communist International which (like the Sections in the Scandinavian countries and in the Balkans) are politically connected with each other by common conditions of struggle, may, with the consent of the E.C.C.I., form federations for the purpose of co-ordinating their activities, such federations to work under the guidance and control of the E.C.C.I.
The Sections of the Comintern must regularly pay affiliation dues to the E.C.C.I.; the amount of such dues to be determined by the E.C.C.I.
Congresses of the various Sections, ordinary and special, can be convened only with the consent of the E.C.C.I.
In the event of a Section failing to convene a Party Congress prior to the convening of a World Congress, that Section, before electing delegates to the World Congress, must convene a Party conference, or Plenum of its Central Committee, for the purpose of preparing the questions for the World Congress.
The Sections affiliated to the Communist International must maintain close organisational and informational contact with each other, arrange for mutual representation at each other’s conferences and congresses, and, with the consent of the E.C.C.I., exchange leading comrades. This applies particularly to the Sections in imperialist countries and their colonies, and to the Sections in countries adjacent to each other.
Two or more Sections of the Communist International which (like the Sections in the Scandinavian countries and in the Balkans) are politically connected with each other by common conditions of struggle, may, with the consent of the E.C.C.I., form federations for the purpose of co-ordinating their activities, such federations to work under the guidance and control of the E.C.C.I.
The Sections of the Comintern must regularly pay affiliation dues to the E.C.C.I.; the amount of such dues to be determined by the E.C.C.I.
Congresses of the various Sections, ordinary and special, can be convened only with the consent of the E.C.C.I.
In the event of a Section failing to convene a Party Congress prior to the convening of a World Congress, that Section, before electing delegates to the World Congress, must convene a Party Conference, or Plenum of its Central Committee, for the purpose of preparing the questions for the World Congress.
The Young Communist Youth International is a Section of the Communist International with full rights and is subordinate to the E.C.C.I.
The Communist Parties must be prepared for transition to illegal conditions. The E.C.C.I. must render the Parties concerned assistance in their preparations for transition to illegal conditions.
Individual members of Sections of the Communist International may pass from one country to another only with the consent of the Central Committee of the Section of which they are members.
Communists changing their domicile must join the Section in the country of their new domicile. Communists leaving their country without the consent of the Central Committee of their Section, must not be accepted into other Sections of the Communist International.
Resolution on the International Red Aid.
The sharpening of the class antagonisms in the capitalist countries and the struggle of the peoples of the colonial countries against their oppressors and exploiters is effecting an intensification of the white terror and fascism, an increase of repressive measures on the part of class “justice” and increased persecution of the exploited classes and oppressed peoples. The VI. World Congress of the Communist International therefore decides:
The course of events in the last few years has fully confirmed the correctness of the decisions of the IV. and V. World Congresses of the C. I. on the International Red Aid as an independent auxiliary organisation standing outside of parties, and on the necessity of the Communist parties supporting the I.R.A.
As the I.R.A. is an organisation outside of parties which, on the one hand, gives support to all victims of the revolutionary struggle and, on the other hand, accepts members regardless of what party to which they may belong, the I.R.A. is one of the most important instruments for carrying out the tactics of the united front.
The Communist Parties, therefore, are interested in the activity of the I.R.A. more than other parties and must constantly support the latter in its work, both by participating in all campaigns of the I.R.A., particularly in its campaigns for amnesty and for the right of asylum, and by providing a special place in their journals for the I.R.A.
As one of the most important tasks of the I.R.A. at the present time is the fight against fascism, the Parties must support with all their energies the I.R.A. and the I.W.R. in this their activity. One of the most important tasks of the sections of the I.R.A., and especially of its section in the United States, is the fight against the Ku-Klux-Klan (a fascist organisation in the United States) and the barbarous lynch justice exercised towards the Negroes. It will be possible to conduct this fight successfully to the end only when the million masses of the white workers are mobilised to take part in it.
A particularly important task of all sections of the I.R.A. is the fight against the white terror in China, a terror which is now being employed also by the Kuomintang.
The growth of the revolutionary movement in the colonial and semi-colonial countries increases enormously the persecution of the workers in these countries. The Communist Parties of the imperialist countries must support the sections of the I.R.A. on the occasion of their formation and organisation, in order that they shall be able to fulfil the great tasks falling to them in the colonies and semi-colonies of the country in question.
All the above-mentioned tasks are closely interwoven with the fight of the workers for the right of asylum, a fight to which the Communist Parties have not up to the present devoted sufficient attention and to which, in the future, the Communist Parliamentary fractions in their activity, must pay special attention. The Communist Parties of the mother countries are further confronted with the special task of fighting against the foreign concessions in China.
Capitalism is making use of prison sentences as a mean for physically annihilating the captured revolutionaries. It is therefore necessary to conduct in the masses, as well as by the Communist Party fractions, a constant fight against prison regime.
As the realisation of all these tasks of the I.R.A. is closely bound up with the organising of campaigns, which can be successful only if they are carried out jointly with the various mass organisations, the Communists working in these mass organisations must see to it that these mass organisations of workers (Trade unions, co-operatives, International Workers Relief, League of Freethinkers International Ex-Servicemen’s League, League against Imperialism, workers sport organisations etc.) form a working unity in order to co-ordinate the campaigns.
The Communists who are active in the sections of the I.R.A. must strive to win the broadest masses in the towns and in the rural districts for the I.R.A. Of special importance is the recruiting of social democratic and trade union organised workers and the broad masses of the working women.
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